http://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/africa/obituary-freedom-fighter-turned-premier-1.1618473

Obituary: Freedom fighter turned premier
Not many political leaders have had fewer personal flaws than Nelson 
Mandela

Seamus Martin

Thu, Dec 5, 2013, 22:52

First published: Thu, Dec 5, 2013, 22:29

  a..
Nelson Rolihlala Mandela was arguably the most respected statesman the 
world has seen since the end of the second World War. His dignity, his 
determination to achieve democracy for his country and his lack of 
vindictiveness, when in power, to those who had kept him in prison for 27 
years, made him unique in international politics.

The dignity stemmed from his privileged background. He was born into a 
family closely related to the Thembu Royal House in Transkei, and his 
determination was engendered by the appallingly racist conditions under 
which he grew up. The absence of vindictiveness was a much more complex 
matter. He showed little or no animosity towards the white South Africans 
whose policies adversely dominated his life. Despite appalling violence 
between urban Zulus loyal to the ANC and the traditional tribal members 
who supported the Inkatha Freedom Movement, Mandela worked well with 
Inkatha’s leader Chief Mangosutho Buthelezi as his Home Affairs Minister.

Not many political leaders have had fewer personal flaws than Mandela, but 
he was human and by definition fell short of perfection. If he had one 
true fault, it was his unswerving loyalty to those at home and abroad who 
had aided the anti-apartheid cause. His respect and support went not only 
to reputable politicians such as a succession of Swedish Prime ministers 
and to Sir Sonny Ramphal, a secretary general of the Commonwealth, but 
also to Colonel Muamar Gadafy of Libya.

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On the other hand, hardly surprisingly, his famous magnanimity did not 
extend to US vice-president Dick Cheney. In 1986 Cheney voted against a 
motion in the House calling for Mandela’s release from prison and 
continued to attempt to justify this many years later. It is likely that 
his feeling towards Cheney and others in the US administration caused 
Mandela to be “unavailable” during President Bush’s visit to South Africa 
in 2003.

Largely Nelson Mandela’s character developed with and reflected the four 
distinct periods in his life. There was a struggle for freedom, a long 
period of imprisonment, an arrival to and wielding of political power from 
his release from prison in 1990 to the end of his presidential term in 
1999, and finally a term of relaxed and obviously happy retirement. In 
those latter days his political interventions were rare but of great moral 
force. His open opposition to President Mbeki’s pronouncements on AIDS 
eventually, if belatedly, had their effect.

His personal life, like many of those who dedicated themselves 
unstintingly to political objectives, was difficult. His first marriage as 
a young man to Evelyn Mase in 1946, ended in failure. At one stage, 
Mandela gained a reputation as something of a playboy with a penchant for 
sharp suits, fast cars and good-looking women. His marriage to Nomzamo 
Winifred Madikisela, known to the world as Winnie Mandela, in 1958 was cut 
short by 27 years of imprisonment and ended in separation and divorce not 
long after his release in 1990.

Winnie’s increasingly unpredictable behaviour was, at first, the subject 
of his remarkable lack of rancour but it was not long before the marriage 
became impossible. They had not simply grown apart. She, during his time 
in jail, had a political leadership thrust upon her for which she was 
totally unsuited psychologically and, in the end, morally.

His release was a bittersweet experience in which he gained immense 
international recognition but effectively kept him aloof from his family. 
His daughters Zindzi and Zenani wrote: “We thought we had a father and one 
day he’d come back. But to our dismay, our father came back and he left us 
alone because he has now become the father of the nation.” Only towards 
the end of his life did he settle into a happy domestic life when he 
married Graça Machel the widow of President Samora Machel of Mozambique. 
What had been a turbulent life led, deservedly if somewhat surprisingly, 
to a serene and tranquil old age.

Mandela’s very early experiences were those of the average young rural 
African of his time. His family rank, however, later assured him a 
third-level education rare for a member of the majority population in the 
“colour bar” conditions which preceded the introduction of apartheid.

At his birth in the village of Mvezo near Umtata in the Transkei on July 
18th, 1918, the Union of South Africa was just eight years old. Its 
creation resulted from an attempt to resolve the conflict that had led to 
war between the British and the Boers at the turn of the 19th century. The 
Act of Union, designed to bring harmony amongst the previously warring 
factions, was based, however, on racial discrimination if not, indeed, on 
racism.

In London, the Commons debate gave a flavour of the attitudes of the day. 
Arthur Balfour, one of the most mediocre of British Prime Ministers and 
historically insignificant compared to Nelson Mandela, proclaimed that “to 
suppose that the races of Africa are in any sense the equals of men of 
European descent ... is really, I think, an absurdity.”

The British High Commissioner in South Africa, Lord Selborne, supported a 
plan through which a black could be allowed a vote at age 31 by passing a 
“civilisation test”. This vote, however, would have one-tenth the value of 
a white vote. The black man’s son could qualify at age 30 for a vote worth 
one fifth that of a white man. After some generations, therefore, a black 
male university professor could get a vote equal to that of an uneducated 
white labourer. Votes for women of any colour did not come into the 
equation.

It was into a society shaped by such primitive attitudes that Nelson 
Mandela was born.

Political power in the new Commonwealth dominion was to be the preserve of 
the English and Afrikaans speaking white populations. Liberals from the 
Cape Colony made feeble protests that were easily put down by the 
Afrikaners of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State as well as by more 
polished English- speaking racists in Natal.

A legacy of race-based government was established leading inexorably to 
the Afrikaner National Party’s assumption of power in the minority 
elections of 1948.

Political powerlessness and geographical segregation bad, as they were, 
made way for the most evil regime seen in the west since the defeat of 
Hitler and Mussolini.

As South Africa was descending into the abyss of institutional racism, 
Nelson Mandela was on the move from traditional African village life. He 
had worked as a herd boy and had gone through the Xhosa ritual of 
circumcision to mark his arrival to manhood. “At dawn we were escorted to 
the river to bathe,” he wrote in his autobiography “Long Walk to Freedom.” 
“Circumcision is a trial of bravery and stoicism; a man must suffer in 
silence. I felt as if fire was shooting through my veins; the pain was so 
intense that I buried my chin in my chest ... we lived in our two huts 
while our wounds healed. Outside we were covered in blankets, for we were 
not allowed to be seen by women. It was a period of quietude, a kind of 
spiritual preparation for the trials of manhood that lay ahead.”

Most of his young companions in the circumcision ceremony went to work as 
near slaves in the gold mines of the Reef in Johannesburg but Mandela’s 
noble birth ensured further education. He attended the Clarkebury 
Institute, a secondary school for boys of the Thembu tribe of the Xhosa 
nation.

>From there, at 19, he went on to Healdtown a Wesleyan missionary college 
in preparation for his studies in Law at the University of Fort Hare, the 
only residential centre of higher education for blacks in South Africa.

A mere 150 students attended Fort Hare at the time and one of them was to 
become Mandela’s friend and partner professionally and politically. Nelson 
Mandela and Oliver Tambo met in circumstances that confound the 
 “communist” tag attached to them by the ultra right at home in South 
Africa as well as in Britain and the United States.

Both young men were members of the Student Christian Association and they 
taught Bible classes together in neighbouring villages at weekends. They 
were talented and ambitious but they were rising in the world at a time 
when the door of opportunity was to be slammed in their faces.

The ill-framed Union constitution permitted a weighting towards rural 
constituencies against urban areas. The result was that in the 1948 
general election the National Party of Dr D F Malan found itself with a 
majority of seats in parliament despite having polled less than 40 per 
cent of the white vote. It was to hold sway for almost half a century.

Within weeks of coming to power, Malan announced the end of the extremely 
limited franchise for those of mixed race, Indians and indigenous 
Africans. The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages act was introduced in 1949 
and was followed by the Immorality Act that forbade sexual relations 
between the races and led to government officials spying through the 
keyholes of hotel bedrooms. The Population and Registration Act compelled 
South Africans to register their racial origin.

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