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                      bismi-lLahi-rRahmani-rRahiem
         In the Name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful


                          === News Update ===

                  Somalia : another war "Made in USA"

                          MOHAMED HASSAN, WPB


This is a war of the USA against all the peoples of the Horn of Africa
This is not a war between Ethiopia and Somalia


The US policy in the region is leading to a long-term instability of the
whole area and to genocide. One can be sure that the peoples of the
region will unite in a broad anti-imperialist front and realize finally
brotherly relations between all nationalities living there.

To understand what is happening in the Horn of Africa,  the nature of
the TPLF-regime of Zenawi Meles in Ethiopia that sent its troops into
Somalia last month must first be explained.

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was created in 1975. In its
first manifesto it said its main objective was to create the Independent
republic of Tigray. This is a narrow nationalist and racist approach
that makes language the first factor to unite or divide people. There
was opposition to this narrow vision within the TPLF itself as well as
within the other organisations and fronts that fought against the
Mengistu regime, the dictatorship of that time. 

The mainstream idea was that Tigray was part of Ethiopia and there was
no reason to claim independence for Tigray. The main objective for the
liberation struggle in Ethiopia was to create a new Ethiopia based on
equality of nationalities and brotherly relations with all neighboring
countries. After 50 years of war this very rich region inhabited by poor
people desired a new start and  the beginning of a developing economy.

Zenawi Meles is a great demagogue and a liar. He uses Marxism-Leninism
today and tomorrow he will use Buddhism. The day after he will read a
few books and be the champion of Hinduism against Buddhism. He hid his
narrow Tigray-nationalist agenda of TPLF and  created the Marxist
Leninist League of Tigray to gain control of the TPLF and eliminate all
opposition against his narrow racist ideology within it.  

In the eighties when the struggle against the Mengistu dictatorship
became stronger he also created  the EPRDFF which was a larger front of
different organisations representing different nationalities living in
Ethiopia, under the leadership of the TPLF. Meles pretended to unite
Ethiopian nationalities in the struggle for the liberation of Ethiopia,
but all the time its real objective was the creation of a greater
Tigray, that controls the other nationalities and regions in Ethiopia. 
Once the Mengistu-regime fell, a transitional government was formed. The
EPLF (Eritrean People Liberation Front) from te neighboring country
Eritrea that was occupied by Ethiopia, convinced all the other
organisations who were members of this government that it was better to
give military control of the country to the army of TPLF. When Zenawi
saw that in the regional elections of 1992 the Omore liberation front
won they began eliminating its members from the government and the OLF
left the government. Instead of following a policy of integration of the
different nationalities, Zenawi followed a policy of "divide and rule"
against all the other nationalities in Ethiopia. 

Today Zenawi’s unbelievably narrow and reactionary dream of "a greater
Tigray" has become reality. The population of Tigray is only 6% of the
Ethiopian population (76 million) and Tigray is a poor region, situated
at 800 km from the capital Addis Ababa. But it is Tigrzay-people who
control 99% of public services and 98% of trade.

All opposition and protest is brutally repressed and the rule of the
TPLF/EPRDF is maintained by narrow racist nationalist policies that
divide the different Ethiopian nationalities.

In reality this is a very dangerous situation first of all for the
Tigray people itself. I know many people from Tigray who have lived
their whole lives in Addis Ababa and who flee the country, because they
fell themselves more and more hated each day by their neighbors of whom
the overwhelming majority are non Tigrway.

At the same time the regime is very weak and depends completely on the
support of the USA. 

The May 2005 elections were a big defeat for the EPRDF. The official
results published a month after the elections put the EPRDF in a
minority position of 45%. The EU observers confirmed the defeat of the
EPRDF. However the official election committee did an "investigation"
and finally gave 60% to the EPRDF. The leaders of the main opposition
parties were put in jail and many people were killed. 

In the past year, the opposition inside Ethiopia has become more
radical. In August 2006, a group of high-ranking officers led by General
Kamal Galchuu joined the Oromo Liberation Front. In the Orome area a
real intifadah started up and a few months ago, the OLF launched an
appeal to all opposition groups to join the united front ADF (Alliance
for Democracy and Freedom).

The USA is pleased with the situation because this way it has a puppet
that completely depends on its financial, political and military
support. The Ethiopian state is becoming more and more a CIA-led state
that is very isolated.


The conflict with Eritrea

In fact the military capacity of the EPRDF in the eighties was
relatively weak. It was its close relationship with the Eritrean
People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) that was militarily strong that made
victory over the dictator Mengisthu in 1991 possible. It was the troops
of the EPLF that liberated the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. But the
EPLF was a liberation movement of a neighboring country, Eritrea, that
had been occupied by Ethiopia since 1952 and was annexed in 1962. And
the objective of the EPRF was to liberate Eritrea from the Ethiopian
occupation. So it formed a close alliance with the EPRDF/TPLF to topple
the Ethiopian government. Once this was done, the EPLF took over the
administration of Eritrea and organized in Eritrea a referendum in 1993
where more then 98% of Eritreans voted for independence. While in
Ethiopia a transitional government was formed led by EPRDF/TPLF.

The EPLF held on to its ideals of a liberation movement that wanted to
develop its country for the interest of its people. So it followed a
policy based upon self-reliance, mobilising the population, installing
national structures, refusing outside interference via Western NGOs and
controlling foreign trade. The EPLF also followed a policy based on
national integration and cohabitation of the 9 Eritrean nationalities
and the two religions (Christian and Muslim).
This was just the opposite of the policy Zenawi followed in Ethiopia
that was based on privatisation, foreign donors and the policy of
International institutions such as the IMF and the WB. 

Confronted with this difference, Eritrea decided in 1997 to stop using
the Ethiopian pound and chose to have its own currency, the Nakfa. 

>From then on, there were many provocative acts and killings of Eritrean
officers and soldiers at the border that triggered off a war, which
lasted from 1998 to 2000.
It was a catastrophic war; on the Ethiopian side 135.000 soldiers died.
In fact the Ethiopians lost the war and were forced to accept the
Algiers agreement in 2000.

The agreement included three phases:


     1. A commission of the International Court in The Hague would
        decide on the territorial dispute and the exact location of the
        border. 
     2. Another commission of the International Court would decide on
        the claims of the two parties for confiscation or damage to
        property of citizens thate were confiscated by the other side. 
     3. Finally a commission of the African Union would decide on the
        question which country started the war and should have the
        responsibility to compensate for the immense damage that was
        caused by the war.


The two first commissions have already concluded in favor of the
Eritrean position and claims. It is almost certain that the third
commission will condemn Ethiopia, because the Ethiopian government
accused Eritrea of starting the war by an air-attack against the city of
Adi-Grat and occupying the village Badima. This story of Eritrean jets
bombing this city was a lie; once the commission examines this story,
the truth will be crystal clear. What is more: the first commission
already decided that Badima was Eritrean territory. 

So there is a sword of Damocles hanging above the government of Zenawi
Meles. Until now the African Union, under pressure from the USA,
postponed the foundation of the third commission. But sooner or later,
this third commission will be formed.


The very risky war against Somalia 

The extremely fragile position of the Meles-regime can explain its
offensive to attack Somalia last December. Indeed, by attacking Somalia
under pretext of attacking "the allies and even members of Al Qaeda"
Zenawi wants to position himself as a friend of the U.S. and Bush's
strong man in the Horn of Africa in the US global war against Islamic
terror. But this is a very risky operation.

First of all, Ethiopia and Somalia have had a long history of animosity
and wars. For the Somalis the Ethiopian invasion is an aggression of an
archenemy. It could be compared to a military intervention by Germany in
Belgium or France. Somalis are one people, have one language and one
religion. The only factor that is dividing them is the clans. Confronted
with a foreign occupation force, however, they can unite and deal heavy
blows. It was the Americans themselves who experienced this in 1993. At
that moment they had sent 30.000 marines to the country in a military
operation called "Restore Hope". But soon they had to withdraw because
of their losses and the fact that the dead corpses of American soldiers
were dragged through the streets in front of the cameras.

Second, the Somali people are tired of the chaos and destruction of 16
years of a warlord regime. However it is just the same warlords who have
been protected and brought to power again in Mogadishu by the Ethiopian
army. The warlords were hated before by all Somalis for their
corruption. Now they will be despised as traitors and stooges for the
number one enemy of the Somali people, Ethiopia.  

Third, The overwhelming majority of Somalis saw the Islamic Courts as a
stabilizing factor. This support of the Islamic Courts was not a support
for international terrorists.  Most jihadists do not speak Somali and
few speak Arabic. They stand out too much with their different eating
habits and clothing. When the population helped the Islamic Courts to
defeat the warlords in a few weeks time and then to liberate practically
the whole country in six months, it was because they were tired of the
anarchy, the pillage of the warlords. You must know that since 1991, 3
million Somalis have left the country and the Somali diaspora are often
modern secular people who try to help their country in spite of the
warlords’ corruption. And they are very ingenious at doing that. For
example, in spite of all the chaos, Somalia is one of the only African
countries where every village has good telephone communication
facilities. There is an informal banking system (1 billion $ a year).
There are five private airways and so on. A large number of Diaspora
Somalis were willing to return to Somalia, and rebuild the country, once
peace and security were ensured. When Somali businessmen went to the
American embassy in Nairobi to invite them to come to Somalia and see
for themselves that there were no Al Qaeda members in the Islamic
Courts, the Americans refused. They will never forget nor forgive the
USA and their puppet Ethiopia for bringing Somalia back to the reign of
terror and chaos of the warlords. And in their eyes it is crystal clear
that the talk about Al Qaeda’s presence in Somalia is nothing else then
the excuse, the lie that must justify the war. Just like the lies about
the weapons of mass destruction of Saddam used to justify the aggression
against Irak.

Fourth, all Somalis are aware of the fact that in the sixteen years of
anarchic rule by the warlords, there was never any initiative of the
"International Community" to intervene in Somalia. However, just when
the Islamic courts brought order and stability, they saw in November
last year the UN Security council under the instigation of the USA vote
the resolution 1752 that opened the door for the Ethiopian intervention
that brought back the terror and anarchy they had just chased away. So
the only way the common Somali can see this invasion is that of an
aggression against the Somali people and nation.

Fifth, The invading soldiers of Zenawi in Somalia are largely from his
Tigray Christian tribe. These soldiers do not speak the Somali language;
once deep inside Somalia, they will be exposed to attacks by the locals.
But also in Ethiopia itself, Zenawi needs these men back as soon as
possible because he needs them to confront the growing revolt in his own
country. It is true; the Americans are negotiating with Uganda and
Nigeria to deliver 8000 troops to replace the Ethiopian army. But who
will pay for this operation and will these poor governments take the
risk of being sucked into the swamp of a guerilla war? Certainly the
different neighboring countries such as Kenya and Uganda take high risks
because there are many Somali refugees living in Kenya who will not
forget nor forgive a Kenyan engagement on the side of Ethiopia.. The
Ugandan economy largely depends on the Kenyan harbor of Mombassa, but
near this harbor there is a city Lamui where Somalis are in the
majority… So it may well be that Zenawi’s troops will be forced to stay
too long in Somalia and that they will be sucked into a swamp that will
be fatal for the TPLF/regime.


What is the role of the Americans in this war?

The Zenawi regime is a rogue force used in the hands of American
imperialism in the region. Since Antony Lake, Clinton’s national
security advisor, indicated Ethiopia as one of the four countries (the
others were Nigeria, South Africa and Egypt) that are decisive for the
defense of American interests in Africa, the government of Zenawi has
had all the support it needed. 

The Ethiopian army is at present being reformed as a local mercenary
force in the service of the Americans that can be used against any
country in the region. On one of the American army’s websites, Stars and
Stripes (http://www.estripes.com/), one could read on 30 December the
testimony of one of the sixty American instructors who are training
Ethiopian soldiers. Sgt. 1st Class Bill Flippo is an instructor based at
Camp Hurso near in the city of Dire Dawa, Ethiopia. He says; "I feel
that what I’m doing now is really helping to fight the war on terror,"
Flippo said. "The knowledge we are giving to these soldiers is what they
will use if they go and fight in Somalia, Eritrea or wherever."

Many observers note that the invasion of Somalia by Ethiopia was not
only encouraged, and protected by the USA, but even paid by USA-money.
And after the first successes, American military participated directly
with the Ethiopian army in the hunt for leaders of the Islamic courts.


What are the American interests in the region?

There is the presence of oil and gas reserves. Since 1986, four big oil
transnational corporations received permission for the first time from
the Somalian president Siad Barre to search for oil. And they found
important reserves.
But most of all : Somalia has a very strategic location. It has a coast
of 3300km. This is the largest coastline in Africa. One part of this
coastline is just in front of the most important region in the world for
the moment, the Middle East.
Another part of the coastline faces the Indian Ocean. You must know that
before the arrival of the Portuguese in the 16th century, there was
considerable traffic between India and Africa that passed by harbors on
this coast. 10% of the words of the Somali language are words of Indian
origin.

The Emir of the Indian State of Kudjrad had bodyguards that came from
the Horn of Africa. In the Somali harbors there were also Somali who
spoke Chinese. They were called "Abanas". They were translators between
the Chinese and businessmen from the African hinterland. 

This century the historical wheel is turning again towards the emerging
countries of China and India. Chalmers Johnson, author and president of
the Japan Policy Research Institute, cites Javed Burki, a former vice-
president of the World Bank’s China Department who predicts that by 2025
China will probably have a GDP of $25 trillion in terms of purchasing
power parity and will have become the world’s largest economy followed
by the US at $ 20 trillion. (http://www.tomdispatch.com/index.mhtml?
pid=2259)

This year we also saw important efforts from China to increase its trade
with Africa. China urgently needs oil and other minerals for its rapidly
developing economy. And Africa can respond to that need. So the Horn of
Africa has become a very strategic place for the next twenty years.

Since the Bush-government cannot control the whole world, they prefer a
policy of deliberately destabilizing the whole region for many years,
rather than letting it become a wealthy region that can play a key-role
in the increasing trade relations between Africa and the new emerging
economies of Asia. 

There are Somalis living in different neighboring countries such as
Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti. Somali nationalism has ignited and this war
will extend into places like Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya, known until
now mostly as a safari destination for Western tourists. 

The peoples of the region are becoming mature. They see what is
happening and their first reaction is that of horror. If the Bush agenda
of destabilizing and genocide continues, anti-imperialist feelings will
increase and people will unite to defend their homes and countries.


*          Mohamed Hassan is the son of a member of the resistance
against the regime of emperor Haile Selasie. He was born in Addis Ababa
in 1958. 
1972-1974 : active in the student movement against the emperor Haile
Selassie. 
1974-76: after the revolution in 1974 he was elected to the local
council in Addis Ababa.
1976: spent a year in Somalia. 
1977: spent seven months in South-Yemen and traveled in 1978 -1980 to
Egypt, Sudan, Syria, Irak, Saudi-Arabia and Lebanon. In 1981 he arrived
in Belgium where he studied languages and public administration
sciences.
1982: cofounder of an NGO "Somali Ogaden Comitee", which helped Somalian
Ethiopians in the diaspora. 
1991: studies and doctorate in pedagogy at the VUB-university of
Brussels. 
1992-1994: after the revolution he returned to Ethiopia and became a
diplomat in the embassies of Brussels, Beijing and  Washington. In 1994
he left the diplomatic service because he disagreed with government
policy. In 1995 he returned to Brussels and worked as a pedagogue in the
Regionaal Integratie Centrum. Since 2000 he has collaborated with the
bilingual publication Etudes Marxistes / Marxistische studies, where he
has published articles such as Nation and nationalism (in nr 49), Saudi
Arabia and Wahabism and The Muslim Brothers in Egypt (in nr 61). 
In 2003 he wrote a book L’Irak face à l’Occupation (Iraq eye to eye with
the occupation) with David Pestieau on the war in Iraq that has been
published in French, Dutch,  Spanish, Italian, German and Turkish.

source:
http://www.uruknet.de/?p=m29698&hd=&size=1&l=e

                                  ===



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