salam alaikum,
Here are two very well written article about the recent hamas victory and the reality of the Palestine situation.
Fee Amanillah
Maqsud
WHATS THE SURPRISE IN PALESTINE?
Graham E. Fuller
La Vanguardia- Barcelona
29 January 2006
Whats the surprise in the victory of the Palestinian movement Hamas in the Palestinian elections this week? To those who follow the Middle East closely, the Hamas victory is part of a broad pattern we see all over the Muslim world: Islamists (moderate and radical) are the dominant political force. They have few
rivals-- not even nationalists or leftists-- in most countries.
Islamists flourish where there is no democracy--where people have no voice over their own fates, their own regime, and the actions of distant powers. In the elections in Egypt last month President Mubarak, under pressure, made a small opening in the electoral system and the Muslim Brotherhood immediately made great gains. If the elections in Egypt had been truly open, the Muslim Brotherhood would probably have won a majority in Egypt as well.
Washington and most of the Europeans still dont understand the political and social dynamic in Palestine. The number one force that dominates the daily life and entire psychology of the Palestinians is 39 years of Israeli occupation almost two generations. Palestinians are bitter and angry. They support Hamas because Hamas has not been corrupt, it speaks in the name of Islam and Palestinian nationalism, conducts major social programs, and it has been willing to undertake armed struggle against the Israeli state that occupies them. It has fought a guerrilla warfare, attacking occupying Israeli security forces. It has also employed terrorism against Israeli civilians with the claim that it is responding to the indiscriminate use of Israeli force against Palestinian civilians that has also killed thousands of women and children. This is not to justify Hamas policies, but to make
it clear why they have turned even to terrorism on occasion in order to resist the occupation and why most impotent Palestinians see that as justified.
If Washington and the Europeans insist that first there must be peace and calm in the area before peace negotiations can move forward, then peace will never come. If we seek to untie the complex knot of fifty years of Palestinian-Israeli confrontation we must begin at the source of the problem: the occupation itself. To insist on law and order first is to deliberately choose not to deal with the root cause of the problem.
So the situation in Palestine today should come as no surprise. Those who are surprised are those who do not understand the problem.
Is Hamas happy? Hamas is obviously delighted with the demonstration of its power and support in Palestine; it is no longer possible for the world to ignore it. But Hamas is probably not delighted with now having responsibility for the all the problems of Palestine, domestic and international. Rather than being a very, very bad step for peace as Italian Premier Berlusconi said yesterday, however,
this victory possibly could be a very, very positive step forward. I do not wish to be simple-minded or nave about the problems ahead. But if Islamist movements wish to maintain their powerful base of social support in the Muslim world, they are going to have to deliver what the people want. It is a luxury for them to remain out of power where they can freely criticize but not take responsibility for policies. Hamas now faces major political problems in just making the infrastructure of Palestine to work.
We can expect that Hamas will want to share the burdens of power broadly across the whole spectrum of Palestinian society. It will now have to examine the effectiveness of engaging in
guerrilla or even terrorist attacks. My guess is that Hamas will refrain from such actions as it explores the possibility of political progress. But if Hamas comes to believe that diplomacy and negotiations are not working, if it believes that Israel is not serious about giving up almost all of the West Bank, then it will probably resign from power and return to the armed struggle. It obviously cannot do both simultaneously. The problem is that neither the Likud party, nor the warrior Sharon, had any intention of really giving the Palestinians a united, functional and sovereign state in the West Bank. They wanted to maintain dominant Israeli control with lots of settlements. That is why we have no peace today, not because of terrorism. Terrorism is the result of unending occupation.
Hamas will now speak with a powerful political voice that has powerful popular backing among Palestinians. Israel now faces a major challenge: will it become serious about permitting a viable Palestinian state to emerge, or will it continue delaying tactics the key strategy of Sharonas Israel continues to create new facts on the ground?
Hamas has indeed used some quite radical language in the past about Israel, denying its existence, or even calling for Palestinians to regain all of the land Israel took in order to build its new state in 1947. We can find hundreds of quotations that prove
that Hamas could never become a partner in negotiations of peace. (Indeed, some Israelis do not want negotiations either but prefer the status quo.) But let us remember that all national liberation organizations, including Jews themselves in their own struggle with the British for a state in Palestine, can employ extreme language in the name of their cause. Palestinians are no exception. Israeli zealots speak of retaining all of the territories, or even of the natural right of Jews to occupy all lands between the Nile and the Euphrates as promised in the Bible. Soviet extremists spoke of world-wide communism.
But in the end, reality imposes itself. Hamas is not just a terrorist
organization, but also a political organization, and a social organization. It has political aspirations that call for the liberation of Palestine but it generally sees the full liberation of all of Palestine as a very long range goal. It is almost certain that Hamas in power will concentrate on liberation of the West Bank and gaining a capital in East Jerusalem, the Arab part of the Holy City. It will seek a more Islamic society in Palestine, but that does not suggest something like the Taliban or the rule of clerics as in Iran. Palestinians do not want that. Tomorrow will bring a new day, and Palestinians satisfied with their own lives in their own state will lose most of their militant aspirations.
So Hamas now confronts the reality of power, of Palestinian needs, and of the art of the possible. It will undoubtedly seek to use political instruments in achieving its goals. But if there is no recognition from the Israeli side that Israel must give up almost all of the occupied territories, then Hamas will probably not stay quiet, or in power for long. Both sides will now be tested in this moment of truththe reality is on the table.
Graham E. Fuller is former Vice-Chairman of the National Intelligence Council at CIA; his most recent book is The Future of Political Islam.
Don't Punish the Palestinians
By Jimmy Carter
Monday, February 20, 2006
The Washington Post
As the results of the recent Palestinian elections are implemented, it's important to understand how the transition process works and also how important to it are actions by Israel and the United States.
Although Hamas won 74 of the 132 parliamentary seats, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas retains the right to propose and veto legislation, with 88 votes required to override his veto. With nine of its elected members remaining in prison, Hamas has only 65 votes, plus whatever third-party support it can attract. Abbas also has the power to select and remove the prime minister, to issue decrees with the force of law when parliament is not in session, and to declare a state of emergency. As commander in chief, he also retains ultimate influence over the National Security Force and Palestinian intelligence.
After the first session of the new legislature, which was Saturday, the members will elect a speaker, two deputies and a secretary. These legislative officials are not permitted to hold any position in the executive branch, so top Hamas leaders may choose to concentrate their influence in the parliament and propose moderates or technocrats for prime minister and cabinet posts. Three weeks are allotted for the prime minister to form the cabinet, and a majority vote of the parliament is required for final approval.
The role of the
prime minister was greatly strengthened while Abbas and Ahmed Qureia served in that position under Yasser Arafat, and Abbas has announced that he will not choose a prime minister who does not recognize Israel or adhere to the basic principles of the "road map." This could result in a stalemated process, but my conversations with representatives of both sides indicate that they wish to avoid such an imbroglio. The spokesman for Hamas claimed, "We want a peaceful unity government." If this is a truthful statement, it needs to be given a chance.
During this time of fluidity in the formation of the new government, it is important that Israel and the United States play positive roles. Any tacit or
formal collusion between the two powers to disrupt the process by punishing the Palestinian people could be counterproductive and have devastating consequences.
Unfortunately, these steps are already underway and are well known throughout the Palestinian territories and the world. Israel moved yesterday to withhold funds (about $50 million per month) that the Palestinians earn from customs and tax revenue. Perhaps a greater aggravation by the Israelis is their decision to hinder movement of elected Hamas Palestinian Legislative Council members through any of more than a hundred Israeli checkpoints around and throughout the Palestinian territories. This will present significant obstacles to a
government's functioning effectively. Abbas informed me after the election that the Palestinian Authority was $900 million in debt and that he would be unable to meet payrolls during February. Knowing that Hamas would inherit a bankrupt government, U.S. officials have announced that all funding for the new government will be withheld, including what is needed to pay salaries for schoolteachers, nurses, social workers, police and maintenance personnel. So far they have not agreed to bypass the Hamas-led government and let humanitarian funds be channeled to Palestinians through United Nations agencies responsible for refugees, health and other human services.
This common commitment to eviscerate
the government of elected Hamas officials by punishing private citizens may accomplish this narrow purpose, but the likely results will be to alienate the already oppressed and innocent Palestinians, to incite violence, and to increase the domestic influence and international esteem of Hamas. It will certainly not be an inducement to Hamas or other militants to moderate their policies.
The election of Hamas candidates cannot adversely affect genuine peace talks, since such talks have been nonexistent for over five years. A negotiated agreement is the only path to a permanent two-state solution, providing peace for Israel and justice for the Palestinians. In fact, if Israel is willing to include
the Palestinians in the process, Abbas can still play this unique negotiating role as the unchallenged leader of the PLO (not the government that includes Hamas).
It was under this umbrella and not the Palestinian Authority that Arafat negotiated with Israeli leaders to conclude the Oslo peace agreement. Abbas has sought peace talks with Israel since his election a year ago, and there is nothing to prevent direct talks with him, even if Hamas does not soon take the ultimately inevitable steps of renouncing violence and recognizing Israel's right to exist.
It would not violate any political principles to at least give the Palestinians their own money; let humanitarian assistance continue through U.N. and private agencies; encourage Russia, Egypt and other nations to exert maximum influence on Hamas to moderate its negative policies; and support President Abbas in his efforts to ease tension, avoid violence and explore steps toward a lasting peace.
Former president Carter led a team from the Carter Center and the National Democratic Institute that observed last month's Palestinian
elections.
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