http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2006/676/676p12b.htm

LEBANON: Behind the rise of Hezbollah: Two decades of
Israeli occupation

Michael Karadjis

Israel and its apologists claim that Israel’s brutal
terrorisation of the Lebanese people is an act of
self-defence following a cross-border raid by the
Lebanese organisation Hezbollah, which captured two
Israeli soldiers. However, Israeli aggression against
Lebanon goes back many years.

In the 1970s, the Palestine Liberation Organisation
(PLO) set up bases in Lebanon, where hundreds of
thousands of Palestinian refugees lived. Israel began
relentlessly bombing Palestinian refugee camps and
south Lebanon towns and villages from 1968 on. In the
March 7, 1975 New Times, US journalist Judith Coburn
reported that scores of Lebanese villages, bombed
since 1968, were being attacked “almost daily in
recent months by ... airplane, artillery, tanks and
gunboats... the Israelis are using the full range of
sophisticated savagery known to our own military in
Indochina: shells, bombs, phosphorus, incendiary
bombs, CBU's [cluster bombs] and napalm”.

In March 1978, Israel launched an full-scale invasion
of southern Lebanon, driving hundreds of thousands
from their homes and leading the UN Security Council
to adopt Resolution 425 calling for Israel to withdraw
it troops and establishing an international
peacekeeping force in southern Lebanon, the United
Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). When it
pulled its troops back in June 1978, Israel remained
in occupation of a part of Lebanon south of the Litani
River.
Israel’s 1982-2000 occupation

On June 3, 1982, the Israeli ambassador in London was
killed by an assassin connected to the extreme
anti-PLO Palestinian group headed by Abu Nidal, who
had also ordered the killing of numerous PLO leaders.
Three days later, Israel used the ambassador’s
assassination as a pretext to launch another
full-scale invasion of Lebanon. The death toll in the
following three months was estimated at 19,085, with
30,000 wounded.

Yet earlier, in July 1981, the PLO had declared a
ceasefire in cross-border raids and stuck to it. This
absence of cross-border attacks was worrying Israel,
as this was enhancing the PLO's international
diplomatic position. Israel was losing its ability to
paint the PLO as a group of terrorists.

After three months of heroic resistance, the PLO's
condition for leaving Lebanon was that Palestinian
non-combatants in the refugee camps be assured of
safety. The US agreed to this, and a multi-national
force, consisting of US, French and Italian troops,
was authorised to oversee the evacuation of the PLO
leadership and guerrilla units. The PLO withdrew from
Lebanon in August 1982.

The Arab countries and the PLO then jointly accepted a
peace plan calling for Israeli withdrawal from the
Palestinian territories occupied by Israel in 1967
(the West Bank and Gaza) and the formation of an
independent Palestinian state in these territories
with its capital in East Jerusalem, and guarantees for
“peace among all states in the region”.

Israel and the US rejected this. On September 3,
Israeli forces advanced towards the Palestinian
refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila in west Beirut,
clearing minefields that had been laid to protect the
camps. The multi-national force had withdrawn ahead of
schedule.

On September 15, Israeli tanks surrounded the camps.
The following day, the commander of the Israeli
forces, General Amos Yaron, authorised units of the
ultra-right Christian Phalangist militia to enter the
camps to “clean out the terrorists”, with the full
approval of Israeli war minister Ariel Sharon. For 42
hours, Israeli units surrounded the camps while their
Lebanese neo-Nazi allies slaughtered 3000 defenceless
Palestinian men, women and children.

By the end of 1982, Israel remained in occupation of
all of southern Lebanon, leading to a resistance
movement by Lebanese organisations, including the
Communist parties and the Shiite-based organisations
Amal and Hezbollah. PLO forces returned to Lebanon to
help the Lebanese resistance. In 1985, Israel was
forced to withdraw from most of Lebanon, but again
remained in occupation of a “security zone” south of
the Litani.

The Shiites, who mostly reside in southern Lebanon,
are the largest and poorest of the country’s three
major religious communities, the Christians being the
smallest and richest. The Shiites had been largely
excluded from the sectarian Lebanese political system,
which mandated that the Christian minority have most
seats in parliament, followed by the Sunni Muslim
community. However, the brutality of the post 1982
Israeli occupation radicalised the Shiites.

Amal was the main Shiite organisation fighting for
greater Shiite inclusion in the country’s sectarian
political system, established in 1943 before the
country gained its independence from France. However,
Amal had been prepared to deal with the Lebanese
right-wing and with the Syrian Baathist regime of
Hafez al Assad, leading to a series of Amal attacks on
the Communist Party in the early 1980s, and brutal
attacks on the Palestinian camps in 1985.

This was part of the attempt by Damascus to take
control of the PLO. Israel had occupied the Syrian
Golan Heights in 1967, and annexed it in 1981.
However, Damascus opposed the independence of the PLO,
aiming to use it merely as a diplomatic tool to
pressure Israel over the Golan.

The struggle against Israeli occupation had produced a
new mood among the Shiites of solidarity with the
Palestinian people. Reflecting this, Hezbollah arose
as a more radical wing of Amal. Though formed in 1982,
it came out into the open in 1985, under the spiritual
leadership of Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah. It vigorously
denounced Amal's attacks on the Palestinians, and
expelled Amal from its main base in south Beiruit.
National liberation movement

Hezbollah concentrated all its efforts on fighting the
Israeli occupation, in cooperation with other Lebanese
and Palestinian groups, and by the 1990s was the key
force in the resistance. It is a national liberation
movement, with religious colouration, rather than an
“Islamist” movement.

If Islamic “fundamentalism” means imposing religious
restrictions on how people live, dress and work, there
is little evidence of it in the areas of south Beiruit
under Hezbollah control, which I visited in 1997. As I
reported in GLW #294 , there were women wearing
scarves like anywhere in the Middle East, but just as
many without scarves, dressed as they pleased, working
in shops and offices alongside men.

Asked if Hezbollah had tried to impose a strict
religious code of dress or behaviour on the
population, Olfat Mahmoud, a social worker in the
Bourj al Barajneh Palestinian refugee camp, told me:
“We heard a lot about that in the Western media, but I
never noticed it.”

There is a contradiction between mobilising people on
the scale necessary to liberate a country and
oppressing the population through reactionary
restrictions on their daily lives. Hezbollah resolved
this contradiction by forgetting about the latter.

“Everyone in the camp supports Hamas and Hezbollah”,
Khalil, a young, secular Palestinian camp resident,
told me. “We support them because they fight Israel.
All the others just talk.”

Evidence of support for Hezbollah on the camp walls
was far more obvious than for any PLO faction.

In 1993 and 1996, Israel again launched large-scale
invasions of Lebanon, supposedly to punish Hezbollah
for its continued resistance to the Israeli
occupation. In both cases, hundreds of Lebanese
civilians were slaughtered, hundreds of thousands
driven were from their homes, and enormous destruction
was inflicted on the country by Israeli bombing.
Occupation continues

In 2000, Israel was finally forced to withdraw from
most of southern Lebanon. However, it remains in
occupation of 28 square kilometres, known as the
Shebaa. Neither Hezbollah nor the Lebanese government
recognise the current border maintained by Israel and
patrolled by UNIFIL.

Israel claims the Shebaa is not occupied Lebanese
territory, but part of the occupied Syrian Golan
Heights. By some stretch of logic, the occupation of
the Golan, a brazen violation of international law, is
thus claimed as inoffensive. Yet this contradicts the
claim made by Israel and its Western backers that
Hezbollah is acting as a pawn for Syrian interests.

While Hezbollah is anything but a pawn of the Syrian
regime — which massacred dozens of Hezbollah militants
in 1987 — it is entirely natural that Syria supports
Hezbollah military actions on the Israeli border,
given the continuing Israeli occupation of Syrian
territory.

Once again, Israel has used the pretext of a minor
military action by Hezbollah to destroy Lebanon.
Others have chimed in that, since Israel withdrew from
Lebanon in 2000, there was no excuse for Hezbollah's
“aggression”. However, apart from the continuing
occupation of Shebaa, Israel also continues to hold
Lebanese prisoners it kidnapped decades ago. It was
only a matter of time before Hezbollah would attempt
to capture Israeli soldiers to force negotiations for
a prisoner swap.

Israel's current horrific assault on Lebanon is aimed
at trying to turn the Lebanese people against
Hezbollah and thus to severely weaken it as a popular
political movement. As Amin Saikal, director of the
Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian
National University, points out: “Israel has been
increasingly uncomfortable with the speed of Lebanon's
recovery following its [1975-90] civil war and
democratisation. Israel's policy has been to do
whatever it takes to ensure that its Arab neighbours
remain weak and divided.”

A peaceful and increasingly prosperous multi-religious
Lebanon, where the old sectarian constitution has been
reformed, and where Hezbollah in 2005 won 23 seats in
parliament and for the first time joined the Lebanese
government, is a threat by example to the racist
'Jewish” state of Israel. 

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{Invite (mankind, O Muhammad ) to the Way of your Lord (i.e. Islam) with wisdom 
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follows him, without the reward of either of them being lessened at all." 
[Muslim, Ahmad, Aboo Daawood, an-Nasaa'ee, at-Tirmidhee, Ibn Maajah] 
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