Dear editors/ members,

Assalamu Alaikum. Pleaser read / publish this article on dispropottionate 
influence of Jewish lobby and future policy directions of US politics and 
society. We should keep this hard fact in view.

Shah Abdul Hannan
----- Original Message -----
From: Omer Totonji
To: Omer Totonji
Sent: Sunday, March 18, 2007 9:40 AM
Subject: Fwd: The Economist: The Big Leviathan:The American Israel Public 
Affairs Committee





  Subject: Fwd: The Economist: The Big Leviathan:The American Israel Public 
Affairs Committee

    >
    Taming Leviathan

    Mar 15th 2007
    From The Economist print edition


                Kevin Kallaugher




    These are both the best of times and the worst of times for the 
American-Jewish lobby

    THIS week saw yet another reminder of the awesome power of "the lobby". The 
American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) brought more than 6,000 
activists to Washington for its annual policy conference. And they proceeded to 
live up to their critics' darkest fears.
    They heard from the four most powerful people on Capitol Hill-Nancy Pelosi 
and John Boehner from the House, Harry Reid and Mitch McConnell from the 
Senate-as well as the vice-president (who called his talk "The United States 
and Israel: United We Stand") and sundry other power-brokers. Several 
first-division presidential candidates held receptions.
    The display of muscle was almost equalled by the display of unnerving 
efficiency. There were booths for "congressional check-in", booths for 
"delegate banquet troubleshooting", and booths full of helpful young people. 
The only discordant note was sounded by a group of a dozen protesters-Orthodox 
Jews in beards, side-curls and heavy black coats-holding up signs saying "Stop 
AIPAC", "Torah forbids Jews dictating foreign policy", and "Judaism rejects the 
state of Israel".
    The lobbyists had every reason to feel proud of their work. Congress has 
more Jewish members than ever before: 30 in the House and a remarkable 13 in 
the Senate. (There are now more Jews in Congress than Episcopalians.) Both 
parties are competing with each other to be the "soundest" on Israel. About 
two-thirds of Americans hold a favourable view of the place.
    Yet they have reason to feel a bit nervous, too. The Iraq debacle has 
produced a fierce backlash against pro-war hawks, of which AIPAC was certainly 
one. It has also encouraged serious people to ask awkward questions about 
America's alliance with Israel. And a growing number of people want to push 
against AIPAC. One pressure group, the Council for the National Interest-run by 
two retired congressmen, Paul Findley, a Republican, and James Abourezk, a 
Democrat-even bills itself as the anti-AIPAC. The Leviathan may be mightier 
than ever, but there are more and more Captain Ahabs trying to get their 
harpoons in.
    Some of the most determined are Arab-Americans, who have been growing in 
numbers and influence for years-there are probably about 3.5m of them-and who 
have been in the eye of a political storm since September 11th 2001. They are a 
growing political force in northern Ohio and Michigan, and their institutions, 
such as the Arab American Institute and the Council on American-Islamic 
Relations (CAIR), have plenty of access to Middle Eastern money.
    But so far their performance has been unimpressive. James Zogby has been 
promising a breakthrough for his Arab American Institute for 20 years. CAIR 
remains marginal. Arab-Americans are badly split between Christians (63%) and 
Muslims (24%). They have also been late in taking to politics. Between 1990 and 
2004 Arab-Americans donated $788,968 to candidates and parties, compared with 
$56.8m from pro-Israeli groups.
    AIPAC's ace in the hole is the idea that it represents Jewish interests in 
a country that is generally philo-Semitic. But liberal Jewish groups retort 
that it represents only a sliver of Jewish opinion. A number of more liberal 
groups have started to use their political muscle-groups such as the Religious 
Action Centre of Reform Judaism, Americans for Peace Now and the Israel Policy 
Forum. These groups scored a significant victory over AIPAC by persuading 
Congress to water down a particularly uncompromising bit of legislation, the 
Palestinian Anti-terrorism Act, which would have prevented any American contact 
with the Palestinian leadership. This accomplishment led to a flurry of 
speculation that George Soros might try to institutionalise this successful 
alliance by creating a liberal version of AIPAC.
    It has yet to materialise. And it is doubtful whether Mr Soros, a left-wing 
Democrat who has little sympathy with Israel, would be the best patron for such 
an organisation. But the growing activism of liberal Jewish groups underlines a 
worrying fact for AIPAC: most Jews are fairly left-wing. Fully 77% of them 
think that the Iraq war was a mistake compared with 52% of all Americans. 
Eighty-seven per cent of Jews voted for the Democrats in 2006, and all but four 
of the Jews in Congress are Democrats.


    Dissenting voices
    An even bigger threat to AIPAC comes from the general climate of opinion. 
It is suddenly becoming possible for serious people-politicians and 
policymakers as well as academics-to ask hard questions about America's 
relationship with Israel. Is America pursuing its own interests in the Middle 
East, or Israel's? Should America tie itself so closely to the Israeli 
government's policies or should it forge other alliances?
    Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former national security adviser, worries that 
America is seen in the Middle East as "acting increasingly on behalf of 
Israel". Condoleezza Rice, the secretary of state, has compared the situation 
in Palestine to segregation, and argued that there could "be no greater legacy 
for America than to help bring into being a Palestinian state". Philip Zelikow, 
her former counsellor, argues, in diplomatic language, that the only way to 
create a viable coalition against terrorists that includes Europeans, moderate 
Arabs and Israelis, is a "sense that Arab-Israeli issues are being addressed".
    The biggest challenge facing AIPAC is how to deal with this changing 
climate. Its members have been admirably honest about their mission in life. 
They boast about passing more than a hundred bits of pro-Israel legislation a 
year. But they are too willing to close down the debate with explosive charges 
of anti-Israel bias when people ask whether this is a good thing. America needs 
an open debate about its role in the Middle East-and AIPAC needs to take a 
positive role in that debate if it is to remain such a mighty force in American 
politics.




          Copyright © 2007 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All 
rights reserved.


    
http://www.economist.com/world/na/displayStory.cfm?story_id=8861497&fsrc=nwlptwfree

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