Obama In Cairo: A New Face For Imperialism
By Patrick Martin
05 June, 2009
WSWS.org

The speech delivered by US President Barack Obama in Cairo yesterday was 
riddled with contradictions. He declared his opposition to the “killing of 
innocent men, women, and children,” but defended the ongoing US wars in Iraq 
and Afghanistan and the US proxy war in Pakistan, while remaining silent on the 
most recent Israeli slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza. These wars have killed 
at least one million Iraqis and tens of thousands in Afghanistan, Pakistan and 
the Palestinian territories.

Obama declared his support for democracy, human rights and women’s rights, 
after two days of meetings with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and Egyptian 
President Hosni Mubarak, two of the most notorious tyrants in the Middle East. 
He said nothing in his speech about the complete absence of democratic rights 
in Saudi Arabia, or about the ongoing repression under Mubarak’s military 
dictatorship. In the days before the US president’s arrival at Al-Azhar 
University, the campus was raided by Egyptian secret police who detained more 
than 200 foreign students. Before leaving on his Mideast trip, Obama praised 
Mubarak as a “steadfast ally.”

While posturing as the advocate of universal peace and understanding, Obama 
diplomatically omitted any reference to his order to escalate the war in 
Afghanistan with the dispatch of an additional 17,000 US troops. And he tacitly 
embraced the policy of his predecessor in Iraq, declaring, “I believe the Iraqi 
people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein.” He 
even seemed to hedge on the withdrawal deadline of December 2011 negotiated by 
the Bush administration, which he described as a pledge “to remove all our 
troops from Iraq by 2012.”

Obama rejected the charge that America is “a self-interested empire”—a 
perfectly apt characterization—and denied that the United States was seeking 
bases, territory or access to natural resources in the Muslim world. He claimed 
that the war in Afghanistan was a “war of necessity” provoked by the 9/11 
terrorist attacks. This is the same argument made by the Bush-Cheney 
administration at the time, which deliberately conceals the real material 
interests at stake. The war in Afghanistan is part of the drive by US 
imperialism to dominate the world’s two most important sources of oil and gas, 
the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Basin.

There was of course a distinct shift in the rhetorical tone from the bullying 
“you’re either with or against us” of George W. Bush to the reassuring “we’re 
all in this together” of Obama. But as several commentators noted (the New 
Republic compared the speech line-for-line to that given by Bush to the United 
Nations on September 16, 2006), if you turned off the picture and the sound and 
simply read the prepared text, the words are very similar to speeches delivered 
by Bush, Condoleezza Rice and other officials of the previous administration.

The vague and flowery rhetoric, the verbal tributes to Islamic culture and the 
equal rights of nations, constitute an adjustment of the language being used to 
cloak the policy of US imperialism, not a change in substance. Obama made not a 
single concrete proposal to redress the grievances of the oppressed peoples of 
the Middle East. That is because the fundamental source of this oppression is 
the profit system and the domination of the world by imperialism, of which 
American imperialism is the most ruthless.

Obama made one passing reference to colonialism, and to the US role in the 
overthrow of the democratically elected Mossadegh government in Iran in 1953. 
But in his litany of “sources of tension” in the region, he offered the same 
checklist as his predecessor, with the first place given to “violent 
extremism”, Obama’s rhetorical substitute for Bush’s “terrorism.”

The reaction to the Obama speech in the American media was across-the-board 
enthusiasm. Liberal David Corn of Mother Jones magazine said Obama’s great 
advantages were “his personal history, his non-Bushness, his recognition of US 
errors, his willingness to at least talk as if he wants to be an honest broker 
in the Mideast.”

Michael Crowley wrote in the pro-war liberal magazine New Republic, “to see him 
unfold his biography, to cut such an unfamiliar profile to the world, is to 
appreciate how much America will benefit from presenting this new face to the 
world.”

Perhaps most revealing was the comment by Max Boot, a neoconservative 
arch-defender of the war in Iraq, who wrote: “I thought he did a more effective 
job of making America’s case to the Muslim world. No question: He is a more 
effective salesman than his predecessor was.”

In his speech in Cairo, Obama was playing the role for which he was drafted and 
promoted by a decisive section of the US financial elite and the military and 
foreign policy apparatus. This role is to provide a new face for US imperialism 
as part of a shift in the tactics, but not the strategy, of Washington’s drive 
for world domination.

Nearly two years ago, former US national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski 
gave his public backing to the presidential candidacy of a still-obscure 
senator from Illinois, holding out the prospect that as an African-American 
with family ties to the Muslim world, Obama would improve the worldwide image 
of the United States.

Brzezinski was the leading hawk in the administration of Democrat Jimmy Carter 
and helped instigate the political upheavals in Afghanistan in the hopes of 
inciting a Soviet invasion that would trap the Moscow bureaucracy in a 
Vietnam-style quagmire. He has remained steadily focused on what he calls the 
“great chessboard” of Eurasia, and particularly on oil-rich Central Asia, where 
a struggle for influence now rages between the United States, Russia, China and 
Iran.

According to Brzezinski in August 2007, Obama “recognizes that the challenge is 
a new face, a new sense of direction, a new definition of America’s role in the 
world... Obama is clearly more effective and has the upper hand. He has a sense 
of what is historically relevant and what is needed from the United States in 
relationship to the world.”

Brzezinski, a ruthless defender of the interests of US imperialism, has issuing 
warnings to the American ruling elite of the danger of what he calls the 
“global political awakening.”

In one particularly pointed comment, he told the German magazine Der Spiegel, 
only months before he endorsed Obama, that the vast majority of humanity “will 
no longer tolerate the enormous disparities in the human condition. That could 
well be the collective danger we will have to face in the next decades.”

To call it by its right name, what the more perceptive elements in the US 
ruling class fear is world revolution. The effort to prevent such a social 
upheaval is what impelled them to install Obama in the White House and what set 
him on his pilgrimage to Cairo.

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