Political Parties Resign From Constitutional Commettee
"The SPLM have no intention to allow the other Southern Sudan
political parties to effectively participate in writing the
transitional constitution of South Sudan"08 March 2011 Date: 07th
March 2011.

 1/ We, the undersigned South Sudan Political Parties, would like to
make the following statement with regards to the work of the technical
committee for the review of the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan
2005.

2/ Following the Presidential Decree No: GOSS/PD/J/002/2011,
appointing 24 members of SPLM as Technical Committee to review the
Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005, a second decree was
issued by the President of GOSS known as Decree No:

Goss/PD/J/08/2011 dated 17/ 2/2011 appointing 11 members of other
political parties to join the technical committee for the review of
the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005. On 21st February
2011, another decree was issued by the President of GOSS appointing
additional 17 members of SPLM making the total of 41 members of SPLM
in the technical committee.

3/ Nonetheless, we joined the Committee out of our commitment to the
spirit of consensus that emerged from the All South Sudan Political
parties Conference held in October 2010. We went to the meetings of
the Committee full of hope that we were going to forge ahead together
in order to accomplish the great task assigned to us by our leaders of
South Sudan.

However, the Southern Sudan political parties represented in the
technical committee to review the Interim Constitution of the Southern
Sudan 2005, hereby declare that our continuity in the said committee
has become untenable due to following reasons:-

A/ In our first plenary of the technical committee for the review of
the Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005 dated 28/2/2011, we
agreed on the rules of procedure for deliberations and decision-making
in the Committee and its sub-committees to be by consensus as is the
case in all multi-party discussions everywhere. The rules of
procedures were violated by the SPLM, who had a majority of 41 members
versus 11 members of other political parties thus; they imposed a vote
in the second meeting. We objected to this to no avail.

 B/ In spite of our previous agreement, the SPLM decided to use the
simple majority contrary to what had been agreed upon as a means to
reach decisions on contentious issues of vital national interest. This
means that no matter what input other political parties may have,
their contribution is over- ruled by the majority votes. In this case,
the Political Parties found themselves in a difficult situation on how
to be effective. Therefore, their participation and performance
becomes ineffective in the deliberations of the review committee.

C/ As is usually the case, the Committee was expected to discuss the
principles of the Transitional Constitution before embarking on the
details. The SPLM members in the Committee were not ready to do so,
and we were made to discuss a prepared text, which they had already
written and passed prior to our joining of the Technical committee.

D/ Some matters on which there was disagreement in the Committee were
referred to the President of GOSS who is the Chairman of the SPLM for
ruling. If such a thing happens, then the Committee would have been
rendered meaningless. The understanding is that the Committee will
have to do its work alone and eventually report to the President of
GOSS.

E/ The SPLM was insistent that the executive and legislative
institutions of the Government of Southern Sudan complete their
mandate given them by the last general elections, that is up to 2015,
at the same time they contradicted themselves by insisting that the
same institutions continue for a term of 5 years from 9th July 2011,
that is up to 2016! This closes the door for the discussion on the
transitional arrangements agreed upon in the All South Sudan Political
Parties Conference (see Para 3(b) of the Final Communique). Our
contention is that the current parliament was a sub- system within an
old system that does not have legal provision to allow it to be
carried forward to the new system in an independent and sovereign
Republic of South Sudan as of 9th July.

In accordance with Section 118 (2) of the Interim National
Constitution 2005, which states that, “in the event of a vote for
secession by the people of Southern Sudan, the seats of the members
and representatives of Southern Sudanese in the national legislature
shall be deemed to have fallen vacant and the national legislature,
being so re-constituted, shall complete its tenure to the next
elections period”. This means that as soon as the result of the
referendum of Southern Sudan confirms secession, all Southern Sudanese
in the national parliament shall lose their seats. It would be
impractical, if not impossible, to incorporate such members into
Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly, because their original mandate
does not include SSLA, as they were directly elected to the National
Assembly in the north and not Southern Sudan legislative Assembly in
the south. Furthermore, SSLA ceases to exist at the end of the interim
period, because it was not elected for an independent state of South
Sudan. Therefore there are no provisions in the ICSS for its
continuation into the independent state of South Sudan.

The SPLM based their justification for the continuation of the current
GOSS institutions after 9th of July 2011 on Article 208(7) of ICSS
2005.The other political Parties believe that Article 208(7) of ICSS
2005 is flawed and irrelevant to the Current Constitutional Review
Process.

If Article 208(7) were to hold, then:
(i)The Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan 2005, (ICSS), would have
remained in force as it is after the 9th of July 2011, and there would
have been no need to carry out a constitutional review process as is
currently the case. This review process is all about transforming a
regional or sub-national constitution into a national one. That is, to
provide for the sovereign constitutional needs of the new independent
and sovereign state. It is not and can never be about removing parts
that got repealed, for those parts are already redundant.
(ii)The new Republic of South Sudan would be without national and
sovereignty institutions, such as the President of the Republic,
foreign affairs, national judicial organs, etc. This is because there
are no provisions in the ICSS on such matters, since ICSS is a
regional or sub-national constitution. This is the meaning of Article
208(7) when it provides that:
“If the outcome of the referendum on self-determination favors
secession, this Constitution shall remain in force as the Constitution
of a sovereign and independent Southern Sudan, and the parts,
chapters, articles, sub-articles and schedules of this Constitution
that provide for national institutions, representation, rights and
obligation shall be deemed to have been duly repealed.”

Why would a national constitution repeal national institutions, etc.?

Article 208(7) is flawed as it was copied without rumination from
Article 226(10) of the Interim National Constitution, which
stipulates:


“If the outcome of the referendum on self-determination favors
secession, the parts, chapters, articles, sub-articles and schedules
of this Constitution that provide for Southern Sudan institutions,
representation, rights and obligations shall be deemed to have been
duly repealed.”

In the case of the Interim National Constitution, there was no need
for an immediate review of it since it already provides for national
and sovereignty matters and repeal of some of its parts that relate to
Southern Sudan do not affect its national character.

Since the decision on this vital matter of national interest is to be
taken by simple majority, then, the views of the other political
parties cannot be considered by the SPLM. Therefore, the political
parties feel that they cannot be effective in the deliberations of the
technical committee simply because the SPLM overwhelmingly exercised
the concept of simple majority versus consensus, which is contrary to
the procedures already agreed upon.

F/ On power sharing, the other political parties proposed that it is
to be 50:50, as discussed in the meeting. This percentage applies to
the national, states and county levels.

G/ The other political parties wanted a lean government/legislature in
order to save money for front-line services such as health, education,
water, roads etc. The SPLM on the other hand want a bigger government
because they wanted to accommodate their members who were in northern
Sudan.

H/ The political parties strongly believe that public security and
external security cannot be under single directorate because this
would be tantamount to monopolization of power.

I/ For the above reasons, we the political parties would like to call
on the South Sudanese public and the international community  to know
that if : the SPLM cannot subscribe to the principles of democracy as
the wave of 21st century, we hereby declare that we as political
parties will not subscribe to such process. We further want to
register that we would like to start our new nation on the right foot
cognizant of the past lessons we have learned from the African nation
states including the Sudan. Furthermore, we would like to state that:-

1-  The SPLM have no intention to allow the other Southern Sudan
political parties to effectively participate in writing the
transitional constitution of South Sudan. On the contrary, they want
the transitional constitution to reflect the interest of the SPLM
alone;

2-  The SPLM does not desire the other Southern Sudan political
Parties to participate in a broad-based government of an independent
South Sudan. Furthermore, The SPLM feels that they alone liberated
South Sudan and as such must be rewarded by forming an SPLM government
of independent South Sudan. The unity of South Sudanese at the point
of independence is not important to them.

3-  The SPLM has clearly shown that it is not committed to democracy,
good governance and the rule of law. As such, and to avoid rubber
stamping only SPLM dictates, we the other Political Parties have
decided to pull out from the constitutional review committee.


May God bless us all

The following Political Parties endorsed this press release:

Political Party Name of contact Person         Signature
UDFDavid William
USSPFelix Charles
SLP    Shadrack Baker
SPLM-DCSamuel Aban
CPS    Ismail Suleiman
UDSFAlakeer Malual
SSDF/ Front   Prof/ David Dechan
SDAMustafa Elhaj Yousef





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