How to defeat South Sudan militias?
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By Steve Paterno

April 21, 2011 — It has always been expected that the regime in
Khartoum, in one shape or form, will continue to undermine the new
emerging nation of South Sudan. Evidences on this are in plenty. One
way of Khartoum’s attempts to undermine South Sudan nation is the use
of proxy militia forces to wage wars in the South. Some of these
militias are already propped up in the Upper Nile region, particularly
in Jongolei, Unity and Upper Nile States. The activities of these
militias in the region already caused hundreds of death, displacement
of populations, and humanitarian catastrophe.

There are certain factors related to these militia, which make them
deadly and a force to be reckoned with. Their activities can have a
long term implications on the survival of South Sudan. Two of the
militia groups are led by high ranking military officers who have
extensive experience in combat operations. Major Gen. Peter Gadet, who
is currently leading the militia in Unity State is arguably among the
most skillful fighters in South Sudan. Gadet spent more than a decade
leading a parallel war of his own in Unity State, where he constantly
switched allegiances between the SPLA and the Khartoum’s armed forces.
During the war, he was single handedly responsible for the disruptions
of oil productions in the region. The death of the two senior founders
of SPLM/A, Kerubino Kwanyin Bol and William Nyuon are linked to him.

Lt. Gen. George Athor Deng has also had a successful military career.
He spent his time in SPLM/A war of liberation as a zonal commander,
fighting both the Khartoum armed forces and the militias in Upper Nile
region. He went on to become the deputy chief of staff of SPLA, under
the government of South Sudan, until he resigned his post, where he
ran as unsuccessful gubernatorial candidate for Jongolei State.

There is no doubt that all the militia elements have loyalists,
actively serving in the government of South Sudan, both in the
military and political arena. The fact that some of the SPLA
operations against these militia targets are botched, are indications
that messages about these operations might have possibly been relied
to the militias from those within the SPLA ranks and files. It is also
troubling to see political leadership divided on what measures to take
in dealing with this militia menace. Worse yet, some from within the
political arena are joining ranks with the militias. And another yet
troubling sign is that there are those South Sudanese, not necessary
members of the militias, but disapprove of the government of South
Sudan performance who are generally sympathizing with the plight of
these militias.

All of these militias are operating under their tribal areas, where
loyalties are very high, which boost the moral as well as serve as
recruiting grounds. This also means that the militias will survive
longer in these areas. In the long run, the militias will be able to
disrupt the lifeline of South Sudan economy, the oil industry, since
most of their activities are centered in oil producing areas. This
will result into South facing challenges in drilling new oil fields,
building its own refineries, or even construct oil transportation
route Southwards, as the new nation intends to target East African
markets and ports for a new line of exports. Such will create an ideal
situation for the regime in Khartoum to rig big benefits from South
Sudan oil output, because Khartoum will continue to refine and
transport the oil produce in the South, and at a whim, gives South
Sudan share of its revenues what Khartoum deems is necessary, perhaps
the lowest percentage ever. People in Khartoum will have their work
cut out for them cheaply, with the mere activities of few sponsored
tribal militias.

In order to be successful in its operations against the militias, the
SPLA needs to conduct most of its operations in secrecy, with only few
people who are in the need-to-know to be informed. Application of
intelligence and counter-intelligence must play bigger roles in these
operations. The SPLA must adopt a containment strategy, where the
militias are confined in certain areas to deny them access to the
civil population, cut them of supply routes, and stop them from
carrying out successful operations.

The differences among these militia groups must be exploited to the
fullest extend. For example, the two top militia leaders, Major Gen.
Peter Gadet and Lt. Gen. George Athor Deng will likely not collaborate
between themselves as much as people think. There are several reasons
for this and one of which is that neither one of them will allow
himself to be commanded by the other.

The leadership in Juba must quickly come up with strong measures in
addressing the situation as oppose to them being divided on the issue
or being oblivious about it. The prevailing sentiment of sympathy
toward the cause of these militias among those South Sudanese who are
frustrated with performances of their government will eventually spill
trouble, therefore, to reverse the course, there need to be major
reforms in the government to address some of the grievances being
raised by the South Sudanese citizens.

It is time now that the SPLM leadership stop complaining about
Khartoum, but rather devise its own strategy in countering the actions
of the regime in Khartoum. The SPLM leadership needs to tell Khartoum
in no uncertain terms that there are SPLM as well as SPLA in the
Northern Sudan, particularly in Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile. These
veterans can be activated if needs be to carry both political and
military wars, directly at Khartoum. There are also the natural allies
of SPLM at Darfur and Eastern Sudan, whom the SPLM is capable of
supporting to mount a successful political and military wars against
the regime in Khartoum. Khartoum should not be allowed a monopoly of
waging proxy wars.

One of the first international acts, the new nation of South Sudan
must undertake is to be a signatory of International Criminal Court
(ICC), a body that has no boundaries in prosecuting individuals who
commit war atrocities. Along with such international deterrence, South
Sudan should not tolerate the notion that if one has grievances within
South Sudan, the best option is to pick up arms, kill, and then
negotiate. Such move must be considered crime of highest order,
treason.

Steve Paterno is the author of The Rev. Fr. Saturnino Lohure, A Romain
Catholic Priest Turned Rebel. He can be reached at
[email protected]

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