Multi-Party Not Multi-People Democracy For South Sudan
"I see no much difference in Minister John Luk’s draft Transitional
Constitution and the Petition of the Equatoria Diaspora,..."
09 May 2011

By Dr. James Okuk*

T
Dr James Okuk
he Interim Constitution of Southern Sudan (2005) and the draft
Transitional Constitution of South Sudan (2011) have already put it
clearly that the new country is taking its path towards multi-party
democracy not multi-people democracy. Is it possible to have a
multi-party democracy in a country without political parties' mandates
and empowering? For me, it is not possible.

The very perception that the other political parties of South Sudan
who are Non-SPLM are only brief-case entities, is exactly what the
SPLM’s constitutional makers are trying to push forward with its
so-called draft transitional constitution for South Sudan whose
technical committee has been chaired by Mr John Luk Jok, the Minister
of Legal Affairs and Constitutional Development of the Government of
Southern Sudan (GoSS).

But funny enough, the same wrong perception is being propagated by
some Equatoria Diaspora members who have been circulating a memo for
appending signatures of Southerners in the pretext of change-making on
Luk’s draft.

After I went through it critically, I found out that the Equatoria
Diaspora Petition is mixing up two different things: the call for
change in John Luk's draft transitional constitution and the call for
constituent assembly to draft the Constitution of South Sudan. But the
irony is that the petition is being send to un-mandated Southern Sudan
Legislative Assembly (SSLA), thus, trying to give it a fake power to
decide on South Sudan draft constitution.

The petitioners have forgotten that the current SSLA members are only
mandated for the old Sudan as they were elected for sub-regional
Parliament in Juba. Hence, the SSLA is supposed to get dissolved
altogether with the expiry date of the CPA in July 2011.

The petitioners seem to undermine the other Political Parties of South
Sudan. They have forgotten very quickly that it was the unity of
Southern Political Parties during the conduct of the referendum for
Southern Sudan self-determination in 2010 – 2011 that became the
credit for birth of the new nation in the waiting. On the same note,
they seem to ignore that the success of building of this nascent South
Sudan nation will not materialize without unifying the diverse powers
of South Sudan Political Parties (if the people of the new country are
serious to nurture genuine multi-party democracy).

Both the SPLM and Equatoria Petitioners one-party’s state
propagandists has failed to ask themselves these: Why have the other
political parties of Southern Sudan been registered in the Sudan
Political Parties Council if they were fake parties? Why the one-party
state propagandists didn’t raise objection when these other political
parties were registered legally in the first place? Why they didn't
object to the conference these political parties held together in Juba
with the SPLM in October 2010 that gave birth to Political Parties
Leadership Forum and its Secretariat? Who told them that this Forum
was only consultative to help the SPLM leadership with ideas but not
with decisions? Surely, this wrong perception from the SPLM and some
Equatoria Diaspora Petitioners will be the real killer of multi-party
democracy in South Sudan.

Also the petitioners did not know that there is nothing called
"permanent constitution" in political science and arts' authentic
terminologies. Every human constitution on this mortal world is
amendable, and thus, can never be "permanent" by whatever means. There
could only be "unwritten constitution", which is practiced
traditionally and orally in some cases.

Further the petitioners have not realized it that the right naming in
the modern comparative politics now is not "Constituent Assembly", but
"Constitutional Constituent Assembly". And this does not come from a
vacuum; it has to be constituted within certain procedures financed by
the government of the day so that it becomes a "constituent." In other
words, the "Constitutional Constituent Assembly" does not establish
itself alone; it has to be established by an existing government.

Furthermore, the petitioners failed to be pragmatic in their memo.
They couldn’t understand it that going to the people at this moment
(where we are only left with few weeks to the end of the CPA interim
period) to ask them to elect the "Constitutional Constituent Assembly"
is not practical at all. Thus, comes the question: who should adopt
the Transitional Constitution of South Sudan, 2011; the SSLA (an
institution of ICSS 2005) or the Political Parties Forum (an
institution of South-South Unity)?

If you say it should be done by SSLA, then you will be faced with the
legal question of legitimacy of the current members of the SSLA who
were only elected on the basis of united Sudan, and not separated and
independent South Sudan.  And if you allow them to pass the draft
interim constitution meant for the would-be sovereign country called
South Sudan, then you will end up with an illegal interim
constitution; illegal in a sense that it is like MPs of a different
country legitimizing a constitution of another country. That is,
elected MPs of a region of the Sudan called Southern Sudan
legitimizing constitution of another country called South Sudan. A
weird trial!!!

It is within the context of this weirdness that I see the relevance of
the choice of South Sudan Political Parties Forum to legitimize the
draft interim constitution on behalf of the people to avoid
“constitutional vacuum” created by the situation of secession
resulting from the referendum for self-determination of Southern
Sudan.

The transitional period is supposed not to be more than 18 - 24
months. After this, and when the procedures and financing of the
elections of the "Constitutional Constituent Assembly" are finalized
by the transitional government, then it will be the right time to give
the people the power back to decide who should be their
representatives in such an Assembly.

But even so, there is still a need for establishment of a non-partisan
"Constitutional Review Commission" to prepare a draft Constitution
that has to be presented to the Assembly for a final decision. But if
the Assembly fails to agree on the proposed constitution, then it can
be taken back to the people for the most supreme decision. This is
only where the relevance of the "constitutional referendum" comes in
to be seen as the last resort.

The petitioners seem to agree with the transitional constitution
drafters on locking out the other political parties from power
sharing. Nonetheless, they have forgotten that the power sharing was
tacitly agreed in the Political Parties Forum in October 2010 where
the SPLM in the person of Salva Kiir was given the top government job
in South Sudan during the interim period. The other Political Parties
were grateful enough to avoid greediness as they accepted sharing the
rest of power privileges with SPLM who got the lion share of 50% for
it alone to distribute amongst its chosen favourite VIPs).

The other Political Parties agreed to share 50% amongst themselves and
then amongst their particular members. And of course, this power
sharing percentages has to get disqualified by elections in 2013 where
every political party should get what it will earn from the votes of
the people and its coalitions or alliance with other political
parties.

In a recap, I see no much difference in Minister John Luk’s draft
Transitional Constitution and the Petition of the Equatoria Diaspora,
because both of them aim at empowering a wrong parliament to endorse
their positions that has no respect for other political parties.


*Dr. James Okuk is a PhD holder from University of Nairobi in the
filed of Political Philosophy

Posted in: Opinions

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