Sudan: Half the horror remains untold

BY: Tendai Marima, LONDON, UK (Al JAZEERA.COM)

JUNE 8/2011, SSN; As the South prepares to declare independence,
Western media incorrectly frame current violence as entirely
one-sided..

Between 19 and 21 May, the northern Sudanese Armed Forces annexed the
southern border town of Abyei. Next in Omar al-Bashir's violent
re-mapping of Sudan's savannah belt of the 1956 borders, is the Blue
Nile and South Kordofan/Nuba Mountains.

According to the boundaries drawn up in 1956, shortly before Sudan
gained independence from the British, these three areas "belong" to
the north. However, these borders have always been contested, and the
most recent territorial resolution, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
of 2005, states that Abyei, Blue Nile and South Kordofan can choose
via referendum or popular consultation whether they want to be part of
north or south Sudan.

Effectively dishonoring the agreement, al-Bashir appears determined to
repossess the unresolved territories in a bid to preserve the
political power, economy and national pride of north Sudan. In
resource terms the gains would mean more water, fertile land and oil -
it's been dubbed "oil-rich Abyei" despite the facts - contrary to
sloppy media claims, the town is not "oil-rich", but the outlying
areas and South Kordofan are.

The battle for Abyei strikes at the heart of Sudan's contemporary
conflict, as the disputed colonial borders and ethnic tension between
the nomadic Misseriya and pastoralist Ngok Dinka was one of the root
causes of Sudan's civil war in the 1980s. An emotional issue, Abyei
has been exploited for political gain by both north and south in the
past, and al-Bashir's latest brutal insurgency is no different.

Apart from the material gains, the north's 1956 borders agenda is, in
my view, the act of a fugitive president jockeying for his place in
history before the birth of South Sudan. Should he one day go down
like Ratko Mladic - if the ICC successfully arrest him for war crimes
committed in Darfur - or killed in his lair and dumped in the Red Sea,
bin Laden style, he could be remembered by some northerners as he who
regained (albeit brutally) what might have been lost forever in the
secession of the South.

For the South's government of
rebels-turned-soldiers-turned-politicians riddled with in-fighting,
ethnic rivalries and violence, the siege of Abyei is an unneeded
problem. The South is already struggling with fending off attacks from
rebel groups and disciplining its own forces from terrorizing
civilians. Though much of the international media has concentrated on
reporting South Sudan's preparations to become the world's newest
country on July 9, the political strategies of both north and south in
asserting their nationhood is in need of intense scrutiny on both
sides.

For al-Bashir it seems clear: a schizophrenic strategy of
warn/threaten, attack and reconcile. Rinse. Repeat until Sudan 1956 is
redrawn, power restored and South Sudan weakened.

On the weekend al-Bashir was on the reconcile spin cycle, talking
about "brotherly ties between north and south" - so it's better "we
sit and discuss and consult" over Abyei. But on the ground, the troops
increasingly appear to be enacting the attack phase in South Kordofon,
where the UN is investigating reports of the looting and burning of
civilian homes, and clashes between northern and southern forces.

Takes two to tango

And so what about Salva Kiir Mayardit, in his cowboy hat, flossing a
chunky gold ring, looking like he just stepped off the set of Dallas
to become president of South Sudan; what does he want? Peace, he says.
Aware of the south's military inadequacy, Salva Kiir has commendably
refused to go to war with the North, but he's still at war with 'at
least seven rebel militia' in the south - and this has had dire
consequences.

It is alleged that on May 20, the South's Sudanese People's Liberation
Army (SPLA) burnt more than 7,000 homes in and around Mayom, because
the Nuer villagers were believed to be harboring rival militia members
intent on destabilizing Kiir's government. The rebels are said to be
loyal to Peter Gatdet, a former SPLA general, now a defected rebel
leader - allegedly bankrolled by the north. Whether these forces are
part of al-Bashir's proxy war against the south, or rivals genuinely
frustrated by the corruption, nepotism and tribalism of Kiir's Dinka
majority government - or a complex mix of both - what's clear is that
civilian homes are not military targets. A government has a duty to
protect, not persecute its citizens.

Against the north, the southern government is perhaps not the
innocent, waylaid feline Malik Agar, governor of Blue Nile, imagines.
Speaking to the New York Times, Agar described the situation thus:
"It's like putting a cat in a corner. They will fight." However, it is
reported that Khartoum's advance on Abyei had been in disproportionate
response to an attack by SPLA forces on northern troops as they were
leaving the area under UN escort. Declaring the killing of 22 soldiers
by SPLA forces to be an act of provocation, al-Bashir sent in the big
guns.

Last Thursday, a confidential UN report obtained by AP claimed that
dozens of civilians belonging to a rival ethnic group had been killed
by the SPLA in a village near the Nile River, though some locals say
the figure could be as high as 254. If Satellite Sentinel and Enough
Project's satellite pictures were described as hard evidence of
Khartoum's "war crimes" in Abyei, doesn't the SPLA's firing on unarmed
members of rival ethnic groups also warrant serious attention? George
Clooney's "anti-genocide papparazi" may not have been there to take
satellite snapshots of the SPLA in action, but the UN covered it, so
where are the headlines?

Setting the narrative: 'Goodies vs baddies'

The news of "ethnic cleansing" in Abyei headlined last Sunday's Africa
section of many international news sites and yet the documented
atrocities by the SPLA have a lousy three mentions on a news
web-search. Why? Because audiences suffer from War Attention Deficit
Disorder - a Sudan conflict story has a life cycle of thirty seconds,
before Lady Gaga or Rihanna does something to titillate the masses and
provoke the moral crusaders. And more specifically, conflict reportage
is often constructed through the limited lens of "good vs bad" - and
for Sudan, the baddie's role has already been taken by the "car-azy
Ay-rab Mooozlim" in the north, so it would be difficult to start
framing the "Dinka Christian dude" as a baddie, too.

Besides, Salva Kiir is the one whose country's referendum the world's
celebrities and trendy activists supported and funded. The one who
made George Clooney, the world's sexist man alive, smile. The one
whose rebel troops were once kitted out and trained by Israel,
harbored by Uganda and aided by the United States. And for spiritual
strength, were given bibles and missionaries, compliments of Christian
evangelists of the bible belt in the US deep south.

When selective reporting due to lack of interest leads to the
portrayal of the internationally supported SPLA as perpetual victims,
seldom aggressors; a straw-clutching conspiracy theorist could almost
be forgiven for thinking there is something deeper at work here.

As the violence unfolds, all is quiet on the AU front, there is no
African solution for this African problem. The Arab League has
expectedly said nothing, while the UN, over-stretched and under
threat, is doing the little it can.

An African proverb says: When two elephants fight, it is the grass
that suffers. In southern Sudan it seems as though there are ten
elephants tussling and trampling on the population, continually
dashing all hope of South Sudan's secession ever being peaceful.
Though July 9 may be marked on calendars as Independence Day, these
fighting elephants shall surely live to fight again - and real peace
is yet to come.

Tendai Marima is a Zimbabwean blogger and doctoral scholar at
Goldsmiths, University of London whose research interests include
African literature and global feminist theory.

Follow her on Twitter @KonWomyn

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not
necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

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