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From: Zach Vertin <[email protected]>
Date: Fri, Jul 8, 2011 at 5:30 PM
Subject: Fwd: Two Sudans: Managing the World’s Newest Border Demands
Careful Planning -- Zach Vertin
To: [email protected]


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From: Crisis Group Nairobi <[email protected]>

Two Sudans: Managing the World’s Newest Border Demands Careful Planning

Zach Vertin
Opinion
Reuters AlertNet
8 July 2011

Tomorrow, Africa’s largest country will split in two. After decades of
war and acrimony between North and South, the Republic of South Sudan
will formalize its long awaited independence. But just exactly where
this vast and troubled territory will be divided remains not entirely
clear. Sections of the North-South border—now the world’s newest
international boundary—remain hotly contested. Mounting militarization
on both sides makes for a highly unstable stretch of territory. As
such, the two parties have tentatively resolved to create a
demilitarized zone along the border, but the details of such an
arrangement must be carefully thought through lest it generate even
greater problems in the long run.

As part of its strategy to squeeze concessions from the South ahead of
partition and exhibit strength to domestic constituencies, Khartoum’s
army recently invaded the long-disputed Abyei area and ignited
conflict in South Kordofan—a politically divided border state—where
fighting continues to rage. Localized conflict persists elsewhere,
communities on both sides claim contested lands, and most critically,
the majority of the divided country’s lucrative oil reserves (the
lifeline for regimes in both Khartoum and Juba) fall along this 2,100
km border.

Meanwhile, negotiations toward a host of post-separation arrangements
between North and South continue, albeit slowly.  Among the many
agenda items to be resolved is demarcation of the disputed areas as
well as future border management. In the midst of an increasingly
volatile security climate, Northern and Southern leaders last week
signed an agreement which envisages a demilitarized zone stretching
some 10 kilometers on each side of the line. Critically, that deal
also resolved to establish monitoring and verification teams to aide
in “building mutual trust, confidence, and an environment which
encourages long-term stability and economic development” in the
borderlands. Such teams are to be comprised of unarmed military
observers from the UN as well as North and South alike—a triumvirate
necessary for any such mechanism to succeed.

In a move to stabilize Abyei, Ethiopian forces agreed to provide
security there under a robust new UN mandate. The new border security
agreement also calls for troops to be drawn from this temporary
mission to provide protection for the monitoring teams in the
demilitarized zone—a request that will require another nod from the UN
Security Council. Such an arrangement may indeed be necessary to help
avoid renewed North-South hostilities in the immediate term, but the
parties, the Ethiopian command, and the UN Security Council should
consider the following three principles in further shaping this
operation.

First, a predominantly military operation (and oversight mechanism)
will, on its own, struggle to cultivate an environment of mutual trust
and confidence in border localities. Deterring encroachment of
unauthorized armed actors is critical, but a complement of civilian
monitors is necessary to support cross-border initiatives, dispute
resolution, local border management, and effective information
gathering and reporting—aspirations all rightly implied in the
agreement. Lessons may be drawn from previous successful mechanisms
employed in Sudan and beyond, which are often as much about building
confidence, cultivating community relations, and supporting
mutually-agreed arrangements as they are about verifying legal
obligations or military movements.

Second, any arrangement that inadvertently hardens the border could
prove disastrous in the long run. The people of Sudan’s border
territories have relied on a porous boundary for generations. Too firm
a barrier could intensify land and resource pressure, threaten
pastoralist livelihoods, create hardships for Southerners who rely on
goods and services from the North, and unnecessarily restrict
communities which enjoy the benefits of joint cross-border initiatives
and interaction. Recent blockades imposed by Khartoum on North-South
transit routes are a prime example, pinching Southern areas that rely
on food, fuel, and other critical staples originating in the North.

Third, the interim nature of both the border agreement and the force
manning Abyei and the demilitarized zone must be just that, “interim”.
These arrangements cannot remain indefinitely—particularly if the
border remains undefined—lest they simply incubate the disputes and
effectively inhibit final resolution and demarcation of the border.

The demilitarized zone and monitoring mechanism may be necessary
components of border management between the two new states, but when
it comes to further structuring and implementing this arrangement, the
devil is—as always— in the details.

Most leaders in North and South endorsed the concept of a “soft
border”, but mounting military campaigns and acrimonious
post-referendum talks have eroded that commitment and deepened
mistrust. Further deterioration of relations could put a soft border
further out of reach. Current security realities must be considered in
light of the long-term social, political, and economic consequences of
new barriers—physical or psychological—in border areas and more
broadly across the two Sudans. If and when the hostilities,
brinkmanship, and emotions surrounding partition subside, leaders in
North and South alike may recognize just how much they will need each
other.

Zach Vertin is a Sudan Analyst with the International Crisis Group. He
divides his time between Sudan and Nairobi, Kenya.

http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/two-sudans-managing-the-worlds-newest-border-demands-careful-planning/

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