Forward from mart

Guardian (U.K) "How Bush's grandfather 
helped Hitler's rise to power"


* See also  http://www.twf.org/News/Y2003/1010-BushNazi.html
for other and more extensive Bush-Nazi related news articles and exposes. *

mart
=================================================


http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1312540,00.html

The Guardian 
Saturday September 25, 2004


How Bush's grandfather helped 
Hitler's rise to power 

Rumours of a link between the US first family and the 
Nazi war machine have circulated for decades. Now the 
Guardian can reveal how repercussions of events that 
culminated in action under the Trading with the Enemy 
Act are still being felt by today's president 


Ben Aris in Berlin and Duncan 
Campbell in Washington



George Bush's grandfather, the late US senator Prescott Bush, was a director and 
shareholder of companies that profited from their involvement with the financial 
backers of Nazi Germany. 



The Guardian has obtained confirmation from newly discovered files in the US National 
Archives that a firm of which Prescott Bush was a director was involved with the 
financial architects of Nazism. 


His business dealings, which continued until his company's assets were seized in 1942 
under the Trading with the Enemy Act, has led more than 60 years later to a civil 
action for damages being brought in Germany against the Bush family by two former 
slave labourers at Auschwitz and to a hum of pre-election controversy. 


The evidence has also prompted one former US Nazi war crimes prosecutor to argue that 
the late senator's action should have been grounds for prosecution for giving aid and 
comfort to the enemy. 


The debate over Prescott Bush's behaviour has been bubbling under the surface for some 
time. There has been a steady internet chatter about the "Bush/Nazi" connection, much 
of it inaccurate and unfair. But the new documents, many of which were only 
declassified last year, show that even after America had entered the war and when 
there was already significant information about the Nazis' plans and policies, he 
worked for and profited from companies closely involved with the very German 
businesses that financed Hitler's rise to power. It has also been suggested that the 
money he made from these dealings helped to establish the Bush family fortune and set 
up its political dynasty. 


 Remarkably, little of Bush's dealings with Germany has received public scrutiny, 
partly because of the secret status of the documentation involving him. But now the 
multibillion dollar legal action for damages by two Holocaust survivors against the 
Bush family, and the imminent publication of three books on the subject are 
threatening to make Prescott Bush's business history an uncomfortable issue for his 
grandson, George W, as he seeks re-election. 


While there is no suggestion that Prescott Bush was sympathetic to the Nazi cause, the 
documents reveal that the firm he worked for, Brown Brothers Harriman (BBH), acted as 
a US base for the German industrialist, Fritz Thyssen, who helped finance Hitler in 
the 1930s before falling out with him at the end of the decade. The Guardian has seen 
evidence that shows Bush was the director of the New York-based Union Banking 
Corporation (UBC) that represented Thyssen's US interests and he continued to work for 
the bank after America entered the war. 


Tantalising


Bush was also on the board of at least one of the companies that formed part of a 
multinational network of front companies to allow Thyssen to move assets around the 
world. 


Thyssen owned the largest steel and coal company in Germany and grew rich from 
Hitler's efforts to re-arm between the two world wars. One of the pillars in Thyssen's 
international corporate web, UBC, worked exclusively for, and was owned by, a 
Thyssen-controlled bank in the Netherlands. More tantalising are Bush's links to the 
Consolidated Silesian Steel Company (CSSC), based in mineral rich Silesia on the 
German-Polish border. During the war, the company made use of Nazi slave labour from 
the concentration camps, including Auschwitz. The ownership of CSSC changed hands 
several times in the 1930s, but documents from the US National Archive declassified 
last year link Bush to CSSC, although it is not clear if he and UBC were still 
involved in the company when Thyssen's American assets were seized in 1942. 


Three sets of archives spell out Prescott Bush's involvement. All three are readily 
available, thanks to the efficient US archive system and a helpful and dedicated staff 
at both the Library of Congress in Washington and the National Archives at the 
University of Maryland. 


The first set of files, the Harriman papers in the Library of Congress, show that 
Prescott Bush was a director and shareholder of a number of companies involved with 
Thyssen. 


The second set of papers, which are in the National Archives, are contained in vesting 
order number 248 which records the seizure of the company assets. What these files 
show is that on October 20 1942 the alien property custodian seized the assets of the 
UBC, of which Prescott Bush was a director. Having gone through the books of the bank, 
further seizures were made against two affiliates, the Holland-American Trading 
Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation. By November, the 
Silesian-American Company, another of Prescott Bush's ventures, had also been seized. 


The third set of documents, also at the National Archives, are contained in the files 
on IG Farben, who was prosecuted for war crimes. 


A report issued by the Office of Alien Property Custodian in 1942 stated of the 
companies that "since 1939, these (steel and mining) properties have been in 
possession of and have been operated by the German government and have undoubtedly 
been of considerable assistance to that country's war effort". 


Prescott Bush, a 6ft 4in charmer with a rich singing voice, was the founder of the 
Bush political dynasty and was once considered a potential presidential candidate 
himself. Like his son, George, and grandson, George W, he went to Yale where he was, 
again like his descendants, a member of the secretive and influential Skull and Bones 
student society. He was an artillery captain in the first world war and married 
Dorothy Walker, the daughter of George Herbert Walker, in 1921. 


In 1924, his father-in-law, a well-known St Louis investment banker, helped set him up 
in business in New York with Averill Harriman, the wealthy son of railroad magnate E H 
Harriman in New York, who had gone into banking. 


One of the first jobs Walker gave Bush was to manage UBC. Bush was a founding member 
of the bank and the incorporation documents, which list him as one of seven directors, 
show he owned one share in UBC worth $125. 


The bank was set up by Harriman and Bush's father-in-law to provide a US bank for the 
Thyssens, Germany's most powerful industrial family. 


August Thyssen, the founder of the dynasty had been a major contributor to Germany's 
first world war effort and in the 1920s, he and his sons Fritz and Heinrich 
established a network of overseas banks and companies so their assets and money could 
be whisked offshore if threatened again. 


By the time Fritz Thyssen inherited the business empire in 1926, Germany's economic 
recovery was faltering. After hearing Adolf Hitler speak, Thyssen became mesmerised by 
the young firebrand. He joined the Nazi party in December 1931 and admits backing 
Hitler in his autobiography, I Paid Hitler, when the National Socialists were still a 
radical fringe party. He stepped in several times to bail out the struggling party: in 
1928 Thyssen had bought the Barlow Palace on Briennerstrasse, in Munich, which Hitler 
converted into the Brown House, the headquarters of the Nazi party. The money came 
from another Thyssen overseas institution, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvarrt in 
Rotterdam. 


By the late 1930s, Brown Brothers Harriman, which claimed to be the world's largest 
private investment bank, and UBC had bought and shipped millions of dollars of gold, 
fuel, steel, coal and US treasury bonds to Germany, both feeding and financing 
Hitler's build-up to war. 


Between 1931 and 1933 UBC bought more than $8m worth of gold, of which $3m was shipped 
abroad. According to documents seen by the Guardian, after UBC was set up it 
transferred $2m to BBH accounts and between 1924 and 1940 the assets of UBC hovered 
around $3m, dropping to $1m only on a few occasions. 


In 1941, Thyssen fled Germany after falling out with Hitler but he was captured in 
France and detained for the remainder of the war. 


There was nothing illegal in doing business with the Thyssens throughout the 1930s and 
many of America's best-known business names invested heavily in the German economic 
recovery. However, everything changed after Germany invaded Poland in 1939. Even then 
it could be argued that BBH was within its rights continuing business relations with 
the Thyssens until the end of 1941 as the US was still technically neutral until the 
attack on Pearl Harbor. The trouble started on July 30 1942 when the New York 
Herald-Tribune ran an article entitled "Hitler's Angel Has $3m in US Bank". UBC's huge 
gold purchases had raised suspicions that the bank was in fact a "secret nest egg" 
hidden in New York for Thyssen and other Nazi bigwigs. The Alien Property Commission 
(APC) launched an investigation. 


There is no dispute over the fact that the US government seized a string of assets 
controlled by BBH - including UBC and SAC - in the autumn of 1942 under the Trading 
with the Enemy act. What is in dispute is if Harriman, Walker and Bush did more than 
own these companies on paper. 


Erwin May, a treasury attache and officer for the department of investigation in the 
APC, was assigned to look into UBC's business. The first fact to emerge was that 
Roland Harriman, Prescott Bush and the other directors didn't actually own their 
shares in UBC but merely held them on behalf of Bank voor Handel. Strangely, no one 
seemed to know who owned the Rotterdam-based bank, including UBC's president. 


May wrote in his report of August 16 1941: "Union Banking Corporation, incorporated 
August 4 1924, is wholly owned by the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart N.V of 
Rotterdam, the Netherlands. My investigation has produced no evidence as to the 
ownership of the Dutch bank. Mr Cornelis [sic] Lievense, president of UBC, claims no 
knowledge as to the ownership of the Bank voor Handel but believes it possible that 
Baron Heinrich Thyssen, brother of Fritz Thyssen, may own a substantial interest." 


May cleared the bank of holding a golden nest egg for the Nazi leaders but went on to 
describe a network of companies spreading out from UBC across Europe, America and 
Canada, and how money from voor Handel travelled to these companies through UBC. 


By September May had traced the origins of the non-American board members and found 
that Dutchman HJ Kouwenhoven - who met with Harriman in 1924 to set up UBC - had 
several other jobs: in addition to being the managing director of voor Handel he was 
also the director of the August Thyssen bank in Berlin and a director of Fritz 
Thyssen's Union Steel Works, the holding company that controlled Thyssen's steel and 
coal mine empire in Germany. 


Within a few weeks, Homer Jones, the chief of the APC investigation and research 
division sent a memo to the executive committee of APC recommending the US government 
vest UBC and its assets. Jones named the directors of the bank in the memo, including 
Prescott Bush's name, and wrote: "Said stock is held by the above named individuals, 
however, solely as nominees for the Bank voor Handel, Rotterdam, Holland, which is 
owned by one or more of the Thyssen family, nationals of Germany and Hungary. The 
4,000 shares hereinbefore set out are therefore beneficially owned and help for the 
interests of enemy nationals, and are vestible by the APC," according to the memo from 
the National Archives seen by the Guardian. 


Red-handed


Jones recommended that the assets be liquidated for the benefit of the government, but 
instead UBC was maintained intact and eventually returned to the American shareholders 
after the war. Some claim that Bush sold his share in UBC after the war for $1.5m - a 
huge amount of money at the time - but there is no documentary evidence to support 
this claim. No further action was ever taken nor was the investigation continued, 
despite the fact UBC was caught red-handed operating a American shell company for the 
Thyssen family eight months after America had entered the war and that this was the 
bank that had partly financed Hitler's rise to power. 


The most tantalising part of the story remains shrouded in mystery: the connection, if 
any, between Prescott Bush, Thyssen, Consolidated Silesian Steel Company (CSSC) and 
Auschwitz. 


Thyssen's partner in United Steel Works, which had coal mines and steel plants across 
the region, was Friedrich Flick, another steel magnate who also owned part of IG 
Farben, the powerful German chemical company. 


Flick's plants in Poland made heavy use of slave labour from the concentration camps 
in Poland. According to a New York Times article published in March 18 1934 Flick 
owned two-thirds of CSSC while "American interests" held the rest. 


The US National Archive documents show that BBH's involvement with CSSC was more than 
simply holding the shares in the mid-1930s. Bush's friend and fellow "bonesman" Knight 
Woolley, another partner at BBH, wrote to Averill Harriman in January 1933 warning of 
problems with CSSC after the Poles started their drive to nationalise the plant. "The 
Consolidated Silesian Steel Company situation has become increasingly complicated, and 
I have accordingly brought in Sullivan and Cromwell, in order to be sure that our 
interests are protected," wrote Knight. "After studying the situation Foster Dulles is 
insisting that their man in Berlin get into the picture and obtain the information 
which the directors here should have. You will recall that Foster is a director and he 
is particularly anxious to be certain that there is no liability attaching to the 
American directors." 


But the ownership of the CSSC between 1939 when the Germans invaded Poland and 1942 
when the US government vested UBC and SAC is not clear. 


"SAC held coal mines and definitely owned CSSC between 1934 and 1935, but when SAC was 
vested there was no trace of CSSC. All concrete evidence of its ownership disappears 
after 1935 and there are only a few traces in 1938 and 1939," says Eva Schweitzer, the 
journalist and author whose book, America and the Holocaust, is published next month. 


Silesia was quickly made part of the German Reich after the invasion, but while Polish 
factories were seized by the Nazis, those belonging to the still neutral Americans 
(and some other nationals) were treated more carefully as Hitler was still hoping to 
persuade the US to at least sit out the war as a neutral country. Schweitzer says 
American interests were dealt with on a case-by-case basis. The Nazis bought some out, 
but not others. 


The two Holocaust survivors suing the US government and the Bush family for a total of 
$40bn in compensation claim both materially benefited from Auschwitz slave labour 
during the second world war. 


Kurt Julius Goldstein, 87, and Peter Gingold, 85, began a class action in America in 
2001, but the case was thrown out by Judge Rosemary Collier on the grounds that the 
government cannot be held liable under the principle of "state sovereignty". 


Jan Lissmann, one of the lawyers for the survivors, said: "President Bush withdrew 
President Bill Clinton's signature from the treaty [that founded the court] not only 
to protect Americans, but also to protect himself and his family." 


Lissmann argues that genocide-related cases are covered by international law, which 
does hold governments accountable for their actions. He claims the ruling was invalid 
as no hearing took place. 


In their claims, Mr Goldstein and Mr Gingold, honorary chairman of the League of 
Anti-fascists, suggest the Americans were aware of what was happening at Auschwitz and 
should have bombed the camp. 


The lawyers also filed a motion in The Hague asking for an opinion on whether state 
sovereignty is a valid reason for refusing to hear their case. A ruling is expected 
within a month. 


The petition to The Hague states: "From April 1944 on, the American Air Force could 
have destroyed the camp with air raids, as well as the railway bridges and railway 
lines from Hungary to Auschwitz. The murder of about 400,000 Hungarian Holocaust 
victims could have been prevented." 


The case is built around a January 22 1944 executive order signed by President 
Franklin Roosevelt calling on the government to take all measures to rescue the 
European Jews. The lawyers claim the order was ignored because of pressure brought by 
a group of big American companies, including BBH, where Prescott Bush was a director. 


Lissmann said: "If we have a positive ruling from the court it will cause [president] 
Bush huge problems and make him personally liable to pay compensation." 


The US government and the Bush family deny all the claims against them. 


In addition to Eva Schweitzer's book, two other books are about to be published that 
raise the subject of Prescott Bush's business history. The author of the second book, 
to be published next year, John Loftus, is a former US attorney who prosecuted Nazi 
war criminals in the 70s. Now living in St Petersburg, Florida and earning his living 
as a security commentator for Fox News and ABC radio, Loftus is working on a novel 
which uses some of the material he has uncovered on Bush. Loftus stressed that what 
Prescott Bush was involved in was just what many other American and British 
businessmen were doing at the time. 


"You can't blame Bush for what his grandfather did any more than you can blame Jack 
Kennedy for what his father did - bought Nazi stocks - but what is important is the 
cover-up, how it could have gone on so successfully for half a century, and does that 
have implications for us today?" he said. 


"This was the mechanism by which Hitler was funded to come to power, this was the 
mechanism by which the Third Reich's defence industry was re-armed, this was the 
mechanism by which Nazi profits were repatriated back to the American owners, this was 
the mechanism by which investigations into the financial laundering of the Third Reich 
were blunted," said Loftus, who is vice-chairman of the Holocaust Museum in St 
Petersburg. 


"The Union Banking Corporation was a holding company for the Nazis, for Fritz 
Thyssen," said Loftus. "At various times, the Bush family has tried to spin it, saying 
they were owned by a Dutch bank and it wasn't until the Nazis took over Holland that 
they realised that now the Nazis controlled the apparent company and that is why the 
Bush supporters claim when the war was over they got their money back. Both the 
American treasury investigations and the intelligence investigations in Europe 
completely bely that, it's absolute horseshit. They always knew who the ultimate 
beneficiaries were." 


"There is no one left alive who could be prosecuted but they did get away with it," 
said Loftus. "As a former federal prosecutor, I would make a case for Prescott Bush, 
his father-in-law (George Walker) and Averill Harriman [to be prosecuted] for giving 
aid and comfort to the enemy. They remained on the boards of these companies knowing 
that they were of financial benefit to the nation of Germany." 


Loftus said Prescott Bush must have been aware of what was happening in Germany at the 
time. "My take on him was that he was a not terribly successful in-law who did what 
Herbert Walker told him to. Walker and Harriman were the two evil geniuses, they 
didn't care about the Nazis any more than they cared about their investments with the 
Bolsheviks." 


What is also at issue is how much money Bush made from his involvement. His supporters 
suggest that he had one token share. Loftus disputes this, citing sources in "the 
banking and intelligence communities" and suggesting that the Bush family, through 
George Herbert Walker and Prescott, got $1.5m out of the involvement. There is, 
however, no paper trail to this sum. 


The third person going into print on the subject is John Buchanan, 54, a Miami-based 
magazine journalist who started examining the files while working on a screenplay. 
Last year, Buchanan published his findings in the venerable but small-circulation New 
Hampshire Gazette under the headline "Documents in National Archives Prove George 
Bush's Grandfather Traded With the Nazis - Even After Pearl Harbor". He expands on 
this in his book to be published next month - Fixing America: Breaking the 
Stranglehold of Corporate Rule, Big Media and the Religious Right. 


In the article, Buchanan, who has worked mainly in the trade and music press with a 
spell as a muckraking reporter in Miami, claimed that "the essential facts have 
appeared on the internet and in relatively obscure books but were dismissed by the 
media and Bush family as undocumented diatribes". 


Buchanan suffers from hypermania, a form of manic depression, and when he found 
himself rebuffed in his initial efforts to interest the media, he responded with a 
series of threats against the journalists and media outlets that had spurned him. The 
threats, contained in e-mails, suggested that he would expose the journalists as 
"traitors to the truth". 


Unsurprisingly, he soon had difficulty getting his calls returned. Most seriously, he 
faced aggravated stalking charges in Miami, in connection with a man with whom he had 
fallen out over the best way to publicise his findings. The charges were dropped last 
month. 


Biography


Buchanan said he regretted his behaviour had damaged his credibility but his main aim 
was to secure publicity for the story. Both Loftus and Schweitzer say Buchanan has 
come up with previously undisclosed documentation. 


The Bush family have largely responded with no comment to any reference to Prescott 
Bush. Brown Brothers Harriman also declined to comment. 


The Bush family recently approved a flattering biography of Prescott Bush entitled 
Duty, Honour, Country by Mickey Herskowitz. The publishers, Rutledge Hill Press, 
promised the book would "deal honestly with Prescott Bush's alleged business 
relationships with Nazi industrialists and other accusations". 


In fact, the allegations are dealt with in less than two pages. The book refers to the 
Herald-Tribune story by saying that "a person of less established ethics would have 
panicked ... Bush and his partners at Brown Brothers Harriman informed the government 
regulators that the account, opened in the late 1930s, was 'an unpaid courtesy for a 
client' ... Prescott Bush acted quickly and openly on behalf of the firm, served well 
by a reputation that had never been compromised. He made available all records and all 
documents. Viewed six decades later in the era of serial corporate scandals and 
shattered careers, he received what can be viewed as the ultimate clean bill." 


The Prescott Bush story has been condemned by both conservatives and some liberals as 
having nothing to do with the current president. It has also been suggested that 
Prescott Bush had little to do with Averill Harriman and that the two men opposed each 
other politically. 


However, documents from the Harriman papers include a flattering wartime profile of 
Harriman in the New York Journal American and next to it in the files is a letter to 
the financial editor of that paper from Prescott Bush congratulating the paper for 
running the profile. He added that Harriman's "performance and his whole attitude has 
been a source of inspiration and pride to his partners and his friends". 


The Anti-Defamation League in the US is supportive of Prescott Bush and the Bush 
family. In a statement last year they said that "rumours about the alleged Nazi 'ties' 
of the late Prescott Bush ... have circulated widely through the internet in recent 
years. These charges are untenable and politically motivated ... Prescott Bush was 
neither a Nazi nor a Nazi sympathiser." 


However, one of the country's oldest Jewish publications, the Jewish Advocate, has 
aired the controversy in detail. 


More than 60 years after Prescott Bush came briefly under scrutiny at the time of a 
faraway war, his grandson is facing a different kind of scrutiny but one underpinned 
by the same perception that, for some people, war can be a profitable business. 

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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