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----- Original Message ----- 
From: "Vicki Andrada" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Tuesday, November 02, 2004 12:54 AM
Subject: [Fwd: [CANESI]The war on Iraq 
has made moral cowards of us all - Scott Ritter]

http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,,1340562,00.html

The Guardian Monday November 1, 2004

The war on Iraq has made moral
cowards of us all

More than 100,000 Iraqis have died - and 
where is our shame and rage?

By Scott Ritter

The full scale of the human cost already paid for the war on Iraq
is only now becoming clear. Last week's estimate by investigators, 
using credible methodology, that more than 100,000 Iraqi civilians
 - most of them women and children - have died since the US-led 
invasion is a profound moral indictment of our countries. The US 
and British governments quickly moved to cast doubt on the 
Lancet medical journal findings, citing other studies. These mainly 
media-based reports put the number of Iraqi civilian deaths at about 
15,000 - although the basis for such an endorsement is unclear, 
since neither the US nor the UK admits to collecting data on Iraqi 
civilian casualties.



Civilian deaths have always been a tragic reality of modern war. 
But the conflict in Iraq was supposed to be different - US and 
British forces were dispatched to liberate the Iraqi people, not 
impose their own tyranny of violence.


Reading accounts of the US-led invasion, one is struck 
by the constant, almost casual, reference to civilian deaths. 
Soldiers  and marines speak of destroying hundreds, if not 
thousands, of vehicles that turned out to be crammed with 
civilians. US marines acknowledged in the aftermath of the 
early, bloody battle for Nassiriya that their artillery and air 
power had pounded civilian areas in a blind effort to 
suppress insurgents thought to be holed up in the city. The
infamous "shock and awe" bombing of Baghdad produced 
hundreds of deaths, as did the 3rd Infantry Division's 
"Thunder Run", an armoured thrust in Baghdad that 
slaughtered everyone in its path.

It is true that, with only a few exceptions, civilians who died 
as a result of ground combat were not deliberately targeted,
but were caught up in the machinery of modern warfare. But
when the same claim is made about civilians killed in aerial 
attacks (the Lancet study estimates that most of civilian deaths 
were the result of air attacks), the comparison quickly falls 
apart. Helicopter engagements apart, most aerial bombardment 
is deliberate and pre-planned. US and British military officials
like to brag about the accuracy of the "precision" munitions 
used in these strikes, claiming this makes the kind of modern 
warfare practised by the coalition in Iraq the most humanitarian 
in history.


But there is nothing humanitarian about explosives once 
they detonate near civilians, or about a bomb guided to the 
wrong target. Dozens of civilians were killed during the vain 
effort to eliminate Saddam Hussein with "pinpoint" air strikes, 
and hundreds have perished in the campaign to eliminate 
alleged terrorist targets in Falluja. A "smart bomb" is only as 
good as the data used to direct it. And the abysmal quality of 
the intelligence used has made the smartest of bombs just as 
dumb and indiscriminate as those, for example, dropped 
during the second world war.



The fact that most bombing missions in Iraq today are 
pre-planned, with targets allegedly carefully vetted, further 
indicts those who wage this war in the name of freedom. If 
these targets are so precise, then those selecting them cannot 
escape the fact that they are deliberately targeting innocent 
civilians at the same time as they seek to destroy their 
intended foe. Some would dismiss these civilians as 
"collateral damage". But we must keep in mind that the 
British and US governments made a deliberate
decision to enter into a conflict of their choosing, not one 
that was thrust upon them. We invaded Iraq to free Iraqis 
from a dictator who, by some accounts, oversaw the killing 
of about 300,000 of his subjects - although no one has been 
able to verify more than a small fraction of the figure. If it is 
correct, it took Saddam decades to reach such a horrific 
statistic. The US and UK have, it seems, reached a third of 
that total in just 18 months.


Meanwhile, the latest scandal over missing nuclear-related 
high explosives in Iraq (traced and controlled under the UN
inspections regime) only underscores the utter deceitfulness 
of the Bush-Blair argument for the war. Having claimed the 
uncertainty surrounding Iraq's WMD capability constituted 
a threat that could not go unchallenged in a post-9/11 world,
one would have expected the two leaders to insist on a military 
course of action that brought under immediate coalition 
control any aspect of potential WMD capability, especially
relating to any possible nuclear threat. That the US military 
did not have a dedicated force to locate and neutralise 
these explosives underscores the fact that both Bush and 
Blair knew that there was no threat from Iraq, nuclear or 
otherwise.



Of course, the US and Britain have a history of turning a 
blind eye to Iraqi suffering when it suits their political 
purposes. During the 1990s, hundreds of thousands are 
estimated by the UN to have died as a result of sanctions. 
Throughout that time, the US and the UK maintained the 
fiction that this was the fault of Saddam Hussein, who 
refused to give up his WMD. We now know that Saddam 
had disarmed and those deaths were the responsibility of 
the US and Britain, which refused to lift sanctions.



There are many culpable individuals and organisations 
history will hold to account for the war - from deceitful
politicians and journalists to acquiescent military 
professionals and silent citizens of the world's democracies.
As the evidence has piled up confirming what I and others 
had reported - that Iraq was already disarmed by the late 
1990s - my personal vote for one of the most culpable 
individuals would go to Hans Blix, who headed the UN 
weapons inspection team in the run-up to war. He had 
the power if not to prevent, at least to forestall a war with 
Iraq. Blix knew that Iraq was disarmed, but in his 
mealy-mouthed testimony to the UN security council 
helped provide fodder for war. His failure to stand up to
the lies used by Bush and Blair to sell the Iraq war must 
brand him a moral and intellectual coward.


But we all are moral cowards when it comes to Iraq. 
Our collective inability to summon the requisite shame 
and rage when confronted by an estimate of 100,000 
dead Iraqi civilians in the prosecution of an illegal and 
unjust war not only condemns us, but adds credibility 
to those who oppose us. The fact that a criminal such 
as Osama bin Laden can broadcast a videotape on the 
eve of the US presidential election in which his message 
is viewed by many around the world as a sober argument
in support of his cause is the harshest indictment of the 
failure of the US and Britain to implement sound policy 
in the aftermath of 9/11. The death of 3,000 civilians on 
that horrible day represented a tragedy of huge 
proportions. Our continued indifference to a war that has 
slaughtered so many Iraqi civilians, and will continue to 
kill more, is in many ways an even greater tragedy: not 
only in terms of scale, but also because these deaths 
were inflicted by our own hand in the course of an action 
that has no defence.


.Scott Ritter was a senior UN weapons inspector in 
Iraq between 1991 and 1998 and is the author of 
Frontier Justice: Weapons of Mass Destruction and
the Bushwhacking of America 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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