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Preparing for a slaughter - Fw: [NYTr] Mahajan: 
"Fallujah and the Reality of War- Will the Anti-War 
Movement Stand Up This Time???"

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Sent: Saturday, November 06, 2004 11:13 AM
Subject: [NYTr] Mahajan: Fallujah 
and the Reality of War


Via NY Transfer News Collective 
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http://www.counterpunch.org/mahajan11062004.html 

CounterPunch - Nov 6, 2004

Fallujah and the Reality of War

"Will the Anti-War Movement Stand 
Up This Time?"

by Rahul Mahajan

The assault on Fallujah has started. It is being sold as 
liberation of the people of Fallujah; it is being sold as
a necessary step to implementing "democracy" in Iraq. 
These are lies.


I was in Fallujah during the siege in April, and I 
want to paint for you a word picture of what such 
an assault means.


Fallujah is dry and hot; like Southern California, it 
hasbeen made an agricultural area only by virtue of 
extensive irrigation. It has been known for years as 
a particularly devout city; people call it the City of 
a Thousand Mosques. In the mid-90's, when Saddam 
wanted his name to be added to the call to prayer,
the imams of Fallujah refused.


U.S. forces bombed the power plant at the beginning 
of the assault; for the next several weeks, Fallujah 
was a blacked-out town, with light provided by 
generators only in critical places like mosques and
clinics. The town was placed under siege; the ban on
bringing in food, medicine, and other basic items was 
broken only when Iraqis en masse challenged the 
roadblocks. The atmosphere was one of pervasive fear, 
from bombing and the threat of more bombing. 
Noncombatants and families with sick people, the elderly, 
and children were leaving in droves. After initial instances 
in which people were prevented from leaving, U.S. forces 
began allowing everyone to leave except for what they
called "military age males," men usually between 15 and 
60. Keeping noncombatants from leaving a place under bombardment is a violation of the 
laws of war. Of course, 
if you assume that every military age male is an enemy, 
there can be no better sign that you are in the wrong 
country, and that, in fact, your war is on the people, not
on their oppressors, not a war of liberation.


The main hospital in Fallujah is across the Euphrates 
from the bulk of the town. Right at the beginning, the
Americans shut down the main bridge, cutting off the 
hospital from the town. Doctors who wanted to treat 
patients had to leave the hospital, with only the 
equipment they could carry, and set up in makeshift 
clinics all over the city; the one I stayed at had been 
a neighborhood clinic with one room that had four 
beds, and no operating theater; doctors refrigerated 
blood in a soft-drink vending machine. Another clinic, 
I'm told, had been an auto repair shop. This hospital 
closing (not the only such that I documented in Iraq) 
also violates the Geneva Convention.


In Fallujah, you were rarely free of the sound of artillery 
booming in the background, punctuated by the smaller, 
higher-pitched note of the mujaheddin's hand-held 
mortars. After even a few minutes of it, you have to stop 
paying attention to it and yet, of course, you never quite 
stop. Even today, when I hear the roar of thunder, I'm 
often transported instantly to April 10 and the dusty 
streets of Fallujah.


In addition to the artillery and the warplanes dropping 
500, 1000, and 2000-pound bombs, and the murderous 
AC-130 Spectre gunships that can demolish a whole city
block in less than a minute, the Marines had snipers 
criss-crossing the whole town. For weeks, Fallujah was 
a series of sometimes mutually inaccessible pockets, 
divided by the no-man's-lands of sniper fire paths. 
Snipers fired indiscriminately, usually at whatever 
moved. Of 20 people I saw come into the clinic I 
observed in a few hours, only five were "military-age 
males." I saw old women, old men, a child of 10 shot 
through the head; terminal, the doctors told me, 
although in Baghdad they might have been able to 
save him.


One thing that snipers were very discriminating about: 
every single ambulance I saw had bullet holes in it. 
Two I inspected bore clear evidence of specific, 
deliberate sniping. Friends of mine who went out 
to gather in wounded people were shot at. When we 
first reported this fact, we came in for near-universal 
execration. Many just refused to believe it. Some asked 
me how I knew that it wasn't the mujaheddin. Interesting 
question. Had, say, Brownsville, Texas, been encircled 
by the Vietnamese and bombarded (which, of course, 
Mr. Bush courageously protected us from during the 
Vietnam war era) and Brownsville ambulances been 
shot up, the question of whether the residents were 
shooting at their own ambulances, I somehow guess, 
would not have come up. Later, our reports were 
confirmed by the Iraqi Ministry of Health and even 
by the U.S. military.


The best estimates are that roughly 900-1000 people 
were killed directly, blown up, burnt, or shot. Of 
them, my guess, based on news reports and personal 
observation, is that 2/3 were noncombatants. But the 
damage goes far beyond that. You can read whenever 
you like about the bombing of so-called Zarqawi safe 
houses in residential areas in Fallujah, but the reports 
don't tell you what that means. You read about 
precision strikes, and it's true that America's GPS-guided 
bombs are very accurate when they're not malfunctioning, 
the 80 or 85% of the time that they work, their targeting
radius is 10 meters, i.e., they hit within 10 meters of the 
target. Even the smallest of them, however, the 500-pound 
bomb, has a blast radius of 400 meters; every single bomb 
shakes the whole neighborhood, breaking windows and 
smashing crockery. A town under bombardment is a town 
in constant fear.


You read the reports about X killed and Y wounded. 
And you should remember those numbers; those 
numbers are important. But equally important is to 
remember that those numbers lie in a war zone, 
everyone is wounded.


The first assault on Fallujah was a military failure. 
This time, the resistance is stronger, better-armed, 
and better-organized; to "win," the U.S. military 
will have to pull out all the stops. Even within horror
 and terror, there are degrees, and we and the people 
of Fallujah ain't seen nothin' yet. George W. Bush has 
just claimed a new mandate -- the world has been 
delivered into his hands.


There will be international condemnation, as there 
was the first time; but our government won't listen 
to it; aside from the resistance, all the people of 
Fallujah will be able to depend on to try to mitigate 
the horror will be us, the antiwar movement. We 
have a responsibility that we didn't meet in April and 
we didn't meet in August when Najaf was similarly
attacked; will we meet it this time?

==========================

[Rahul Mahajan is publisher of the weblog Empire 
Notes, with regularly updated commentary on U.S. 
foreign policy, the occupation of Iraq, and the state 
of the American Empire. He has been to occupied 
Iraq twice, and was in Fallujah during the siege in 
April. His most recent book is "Full Spectrum 
Dominance: U.S. Power in Iraq and Beyond." 
He can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
       
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