Why History Is Relevant

Shouldn't we understand our enemies in order to combat them?

By Molly Ivins - Creators Syndicate

http://www.workingforchange.com/article.cfm?itemid=17680

Sept.16 '04 - AUSTIN, Texas -- You open the paper and read
the news from Iraq these days, and all you can say is, "Damn,
damn, damn."

I'm flat out of ideas about how we can fix this, but I maybe
see a couple of wrong roads we should give a miss. I was much
struck by a column last week by David Brooks in The New York
Times written in an understandable rage against the
perpetrators of the school massacre at Beslan, Russia.
Condemning the perpetrators of Beslan with all the vigor at
his command -- hyperbole is impossible -- leads Brooks to an
unfortunate conclusion.

Brooks particularly blames the American media, which he
argues are "averting their eyes" and being "quick to divert
their attention away from the core horror of this act" by
paying attention to what he regards as irrelevant: the
grievance that served as a justification or pretext for these
terrorists' act of evil. In other words, he is so exercised
at the utter, unmitigated evil of the terrorists, he thinks
history is irrelevant.

History does not excuse terrorism, but it sure as hell is
relevant, if for no other reason than you have to understand
an enemy in order to combat him. Of course we should pay
attention to what shaped the Chechen terrorists -- since when
is learning about terrorists or trying to understand what
motivates them the same as condoning them or their actions?

In the case of Chechnya, the history is so grim it draws
dramatic attention to precisely how a cult of death can
start. Chechnya has a long, bitter history of fighting Russia
going back at least two centuries. Those of you who have been
paying attention know that after World War II, Stalin
deported almost the entire nation of Chechnya to Siberia and
dumped most of them off in frozen fields with nothing. So
most adult Chechens were born in Siberia. Because of the
Chechens' desire for independence, two hideous wars followed,
one under President Yeltsin and one under President Putin.

Most of us remember the mind-numbingly desolate photos of
Grozny, the capital, after the surrender -- beyond Dresden.
That's how Chechen terrorism was born. Desire for
independence is not something this country normally condemns.

Brooks blames the terrorism on the "death cult thriving at
the fringes of the Muslim world." At least in the case of the
Chechens, that's akin to blaming Catholicism for the IRA. On
a larger plane, Brooks thinks we refuse to recognize the
absolute evil of the Beslan terrorists because it "undermines
our faith in the essential goodness of human beings." Speak
for yourself, Brooks.

Seems to me the one thing that does not change through
history is human nature. Theologians and philosophers will
continue to debate human nature. I've always liked an
observation about politics made by an old West Texas rancher:
"I feel like I'm about equal parts good and bad. There's just
not many people appealin' to the good in me."

I think we're all capable of evil under extreme
circumstances. I do know that most humans are kinder and
better people when they are healthy, well-fed, raised by
loving people in a secure environment and taught it is wrong
to kill. But that doesn't change human nature.

One trouble with defining terrorism as absolute evil is, as
the saying goes, one man's terrorist is another man's freedom
fighter. Second, we appear to be stuck -- permanently stuck
-- with war of unequal forces, since no country is dumb
enough to declare war on the United States. So we need to
learn every thing we can about how to fight these people
effectively. Third, defining "terrorist" or any "other" as an
absolute, irrational evil gives us a spurious and
intoxicating sense of self-righteousness. We become the
simon-pure contrast, thus missing any chance to consider if
correcting or just changing our own conduct would be
effective.

One of the things I know about human nature is that in order
to kill strangers face to face -- or, God forbid, their
children -- you have to either be very afraid or convince
yourself that your enemy is completely evil, other, non-
human. People seem far more capable of killing other people
if they can't see them, which is probably why war has gotten
nastier as the technology has gotten better.

We have killed an estimated 12,000-14,000 Iraqis since
"mission accomplished" and are bombing Fallujah today. For
all I know, in some future I cannot envision, this will turn
out to be the right thing to have done. Peace and democracy
will flourish in Iraq, and we will all bow down to the great
wisdom of Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz. But so far, no good.

According to both opinion polls in Iraq and in the larger
Arab world, our invasion of Iraq has increased hatred of the
United States and fanned terrorism. Ignorance and
condemnation are not a strategy for dealing with that.

[Molly Ivins is the former editor of the liberal monthly The
Texas Observer. She is the bestselling author of several
books including Who Let the Dogs In?]

portside (the left side in nautical parlance) is a news,
discussion and debate service of the Committees of
Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. It aims to
provide varied material of interest to people on the
left.

To subscribe: http://lists.portside.org/mailman/listinfo/portside

***

Incident on Haifa Street
Quotes of the Week: "When the Americans fire back, they don't hit the people
who are attacking them, only the civilians," said Osama Ali, a 24-year-old
Iraqi who witnessed the attack [in Baghdad]. "This is why Iraqis hate the
Americans so much. This is why we love the mujahedeen." (Dexter Filkins,
Raising the Pressure in Iraq, the New York Times, Sept. 14)

"The United States military seemed set to press ahead with more attacks in
Falluja. In areas just outside the city, American forces spoke through
loudspeakers and called for a local militant, Omar Hadeed, to ‘come out and
fight,' witnesses said Monday." (Sabrina Tavernise, U.S. Attacks Rebel Base
in Falluja; 20 Are Killed, the New York Times, Sept. 14)

"Every step of the way in Iraq there have been pessimists and hand-wringers
who said it can't be done. And every step of the way, the Iraqi leadership
and the Iraqi people have proven them wrong because they are determined to
have a free and peaceful future. People said that there couldn't be a
transitional administration law, and there was one that was adopted by the
Iraqi people. People said that there couldn't be a transfer of sovereignty
by June 30th -- and it happened even before June 30th. So every step of the
way, the Iraqi people are proving the hand-wringers and the douubters
wrong." (White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan, Press Briefing,
September 15.)

Incident on Haifa Street

Are there any statistics from Iraq in recent weeks which don't indicate
trouble? Oil production, which Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz
once swore would fund the reconstruction of a democratic Iraq, is now
crippled and well below prewar levels, while attacks on oil pipelines and
facilities have risen sharply; American deaths are on the rise (53 for just
over half of September) as are the numbers of our wounded, as are attacks on
American troops, which are now averaging more than 80 a day, "four times the
number of one year ago and 25 percent higher than last spring"; while the
strains on American Guard and Reserve units, being called up ever more
frequently, grow greater by the week; Iraqi civilian casualties have soared
in recent weeks; and on the rise are the killings of Iraqi policemen,
targeted by the insurgency, but also of translators, cleaning women, clothes
washers, carpenters, anyone in fact who works with the occupying forces;
"no-go" areas for American troops have been increasing steadily as parts of
Iraq simply blink off the American map; the kidnapping of foreigners has
risen as evidently has the under-the-table payment of ransom demands; the
number of car-bombings has gone up and they are being ever more carefully
coordinated; estimates of the numbers! of insurgents and their supporters
have been rising rapidly; more mortar shells are being dropped on U.S.
bases; desertions from and the infiltration of the Iraqi battalions the
American military has been training are high and possibly on the rise; the
sophistication and deadliness of guerrilla attacks is on the rise; the
number of CIA agents in the country has risen; American air strikes on
heavily populated neighborhoods of Iraqi cities are on the rise; the
fighting is still spreading (as the battles around Tal Afar, near the
Turkish border, indicated last week); more schoolchildren are dropping out
of school at ever earlier ages to help support their families; more highways
are too d! angerous to drive; the number of countries supporting the
"coalition" with even handfuls of troops has been falling as have the
numbers of troops in allied contingents; the number of articles in leading
American newspapers announcing that large swathes of Iraq have passed from
American control is on a precipitous upward curve; the number of military
experts ready to declare the war in Iraq in some fashion lost is also on a
steep upward climb; while -- and nothing could be more devastating than
this -- on advice from its new staff and ambassador in Baghdad, the Bush
adminisstration has gone back to Congress to switch $3.4 billion in
Congressionally mandated reconstruction funds from two of the most important
areas of daily life -- the generation of electricity and the! purification
of water supplies ("'Maku Karaba, Maku Amin' -- no electricity, no
security -- is still the cry of Iraqis on the street") -- largely to
"security"; that is, to the creatioon of Iraqi forces that will nominally
fight under the banner of Iyad Allawi's regime but essentially under
American command. (Does no one remember Richard Nixon's disastrous
"Vietnamization" program?) The only number in this last month that seems not
to have risen precipitously, but has remained doggedly at zero is the number
of weapons of mass destruction (nuclear, biological or chemical) in Saddam
Hussein's possession before the invasion began.

But let's turn from the large and statistical to a single incident that made
the news repeatedly last week, an incident on Baghdad's Haifa Street, known
locally as "Death Street" for the regular ambushes that take place there.
The thoroughfare, part of a Sunni neighborhood in the capital that has been
a hotbed of opposition to the Americans, lies across the Tigris river from,
but only several hundred yards away from what's now being called the
"International Zone" (as in neocolonial Shanghai) but is better known as the
Green Zone, the highly fortified area where the U.S. embassy and the Allawi
government have existed, until recently, in air-conditioned (relative)
splendor.

On Saturday night, September 11, unknown guerrillas began pounding the Green
Zone with mortars. The area had certainly been mortared before, but on a
distinctly hit and run basis. This time, there was evidently far more
mortaring and far less running. The initial September 13 New York Times
report (Sabrina Tavernise, "Scores Are Dead After Violence Spreads in Iraq")
commented that "rarely has the bombardment [there] been so persistent and
intense." When the intermittent mortaring hadn't stopped by morning, the
Americans sent out troops to locate the guerrillas and undoubtedly fell into
a planned ambush, one aspect of changing tactics as the insurgency grows
ever stronger. ("Militants," reports Kim Housego of the Associated Press,
"now follow up roadside bomb attacks with a deluge ! of rocket-propelled
grenades instead of fleeing, or fire off mortar rounds to lure soldiers out
of their base and into freshly laid mine fields, [U.S.] military commanders
say.")

Click here to read more of this dispatch.

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