Hi.  Here are two articles, important by themselves but critical in view of
mainstream media's disconnected, fawning reportage on the issues herein.

Which reminds me - now you of the importance of the So. Calif. Library and
today's event.  Learn more about real history and play a role in expanding
the Library's activity as part of the peace and justics movement.  TODAY,
Saturday, 11am to 1:30 pm, intro/tour of the Library's rich resources, then
1:30 - 3pm, a fascinating panel on L.A.'s Black History,  Free, of course.
It's at 6120 S. Vermont Ave. in L.A, between Slauson and Gage Ave's
323-759-6063.  Hope to see you there.
Ed


Lost in Europe

http://www.guardian.co.uk/usa/story/0,12271,1425020,00.html
Sidney Blumenthal
Friday February 25, 2005
 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/> The Guardian

President Bush has reached a dead end in his foreign policy, but has
failed to recognise his quandary. His belief that the polite reception
he received in Europe is a vindication of his previous adventures is a
vestige of fantasy.

As the strains of Beethoven's Sixth Symphony, the Pastoral, filled the
Concert Noble in Brussels, Bush behaved as though the mood music itself
was a dramatic new phase in the transatlantic relationship. He gives no
indication that he grasps the exhaustion of his policy. His reductio ad
absurdum was reached with his statement on Iran: "This notion that the
US is getting ready to attack Iran is simply ridiculous. And having said
that, all options are on the table." Including, presumably, the "simply
ridiculous".


Bush is scrambling to cobble together policies across the board. At the
last minute he rescued his summit with Vladimir Putin, who refuses to
soften his authoritarian measures, with a step toward safeguarding
Russian plutonium that could be used for nuclear weapons production.
This programme was negotiated by Bill Clinton and neglected by Bush
until two weeks ago.


The European reception for Bush was not an embrace of his
neoconservative world view, but an attempt to put it in the past. New
Europe is trying to compartmentalise old Bush. To the extent that he
promises to be different, the Europeans encourage him; to the extent
that he is the same, they pretend it's not happening.


The Europeans, including the British government, feel privately that the
past three years have been hijacked by Iraq. Facing the grinding, bloody
and unending reality of Iraq doesn't mean accepting Bush's original
premises, but getting on with the task of stability. Ceasing the
finger-pointing is the basis for European consensus on its new, if not
publicly articulated, policy: containment of Bush. Naturally, Bush
misses the nuances and ambiguities.

Of course, he has already contained himself, or at least his pre-emption
doctrine, which seems to have been good for one-time use only. None of
the allies is willing to repeat the experience. Bush can't manage
another such military show anyway, as his army is pinned down in Iraq.

The problem of Iran is in many ways the opposite of Iraq. The Europeans
have committed their credibility to negotiations, the Iranians have
diplomatic means to preclude unilateral US action, and Bush - who,
according to European officials, has no sense of what to do - is boxed
in, whether he understands it or not.


The secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, seeking to impress French
intellectuals while in Paris, referred to Iran as totalitarian, as if
the authoritarian Shia regime neatly fitted the Soviet Union model. With
this rhetorical legerdemain, she extended the overstretched analogy of
the "war on terrorism" as the equivalent of the cold war to Persia. Her
lack of intellectual adeptness dismayed her interlocutors. One of the
French told me Rice was "deaf to all argument", but no one engaged her
gaffe because "good manners are back".


Regardless of Rice's wordplay, it is not a policy. Rice has vaguely
threatened to refer Iran to the UN security council. The "simply
ridiculous" remains on the table at the same time as the US is unengaged
in diplomacy. Bush doesn't know whether to join the Europeans in
guaranteeing an agreement to prevent Iran from developing nuclear
weapons or not.


"So long as Iran remains within the non-proliferation treaty and the [UN
weapons] inspectors remain on the ground there, there's nothing the US
can do within the security council," John Ritch, the former US
ambassador to the UN International Atomic Energy Agency, told me.


The argument for keeping the Iranians within the treaty was
overwhelming, he said. "As long as they are in the inspection system it
gives us maximum opportunity to evaluate every step of their nuclear
development ... The US should be willing to support a European-brokered
deal under which the Iranians forgo their right to build a domestic
nuclear enrichment and processing capability. Ultimately, the way to
promote a satisfactory outcome is to empower the Europeans by asserting
that the US will back up a sound agreement."


Bush has hummed a few bars of rapprochement. With their applause, the
Europeans have begun to angle him into a corner on Iran. In time Bush
must either join the negotiations or regress to neoconservatism, which
would wreck the European relationship. If he chooses a course that is
not "simply ridiculous", on his next visit the Europeans might be
willing to play Beethoven's Third Symphony, the Eroica.

 http://groups.yahoo.com/group/SantaBarbaraSocialJustice/

***

http://www.counterpunch.org/sale02222005.html

Counter Punch   February 22, 2005

Imperial Entropy

Collapse of the American Empire

By Kirkpatrick Sale

It is quite ironic: only a decade or so after the idea of the United States
as an imperial power came to be accepted by both right and left, and
people were actually able to talk openly about an American empire, it is
showing multiple signs of its inability to continue. And indeed it is now
possible to contemplate, and openly speculate about, its collapse.

The neocons in power in Washington these days, those who were
delighted to talk about America as the sole empire in the world following
the Soviet disintegration, will of course refuse to believe in any such
collapse, just as they ignore the realities of the imperial war in Iraq.
But it behooves us to examine seriously the ways in which the U.S.
system is so drastically imperiling itself that it will cause not only the
collapse of its worldwide empire but drastically alter the nation itself on
the domestic front.

All empires collapse eventually: Akkad, Sumeria, Babylonia, Ninevah,
Assyria, Persia, Macedonia, Greece, Carthage, Rome, Mali, Songhai,
Mongonl, Tokugawaw, Gupta, Khmer, Hapbsburg, Inca, Aztec, Spanish,
Dutch, Ottoman, Austrian, French, British, Soviet, you name them, they all
fell, and most within a few hundred years. The reasons are not really
complex.
An empire is a kind of state system that inevitably makes the same errors
simply by the nature of its imperial structure and inevitably fails because
of its size, complexity, territorial reach, stratification, heterogeneity,
domination, hierarchy, and inequalities.

In my reading of the history of empires, I have come up with four reasons
that almost always explain their collapse. (Jared Diamond's new book
Collapse also has a list of reasons for societal collapse, slightly
overlapping, but he is talking about systems other than empires.) Let me set
them out, largely in reference to the present American empire.

First, environmental degradation. Empires always end by destroying lands
and waters they depend upon for survival, largely because they build and
farm and grow without limits, and ours is no exception, even if we have yet
to experience the worst of our assault on nature. Science is in agreement
that all important ecological indicators are in decline and have been for
decades: erosion of topsoils and beaches, overfishing, deforestation,
freshwater and aquifer depletion, pollution of water, soil, air, and food,
soil salinization, overpopulation, overconsumption, depletion of oil and
minerals, introduction of new diseases and invigoration of old ones, extreme
weather, melting icecaps and rising sealevels, species extinctions, and
excessive human overuse of the earth's photosynthetic capacity. As the
Harvard biologist E.O. Wilson has said, after lengthy examination of human
impact on the earth, our "ecological footprint is already too large for the
planet to sustain, and it is getting larger." A Defense Department study
last year predicted "abrupt climate change," likely to occur within a
decade, will lead to "catastrophic" shortages of water and energy, endemic
"disruption and conflict," warfare that "would define human life," and a
"significant drop" in the planet's ability to sustain its present
population. End of empire for sure, maybe end of civilization.

Second, economic meltdown. Empires depend on excessive resource
exploitation, usually derived from colonies farther and farther away from
the center, and eventually fall when the resources are exhausted or become
too expensive for all but the elite. This is exactly the path we are on –
peak oil extraction, for example, is widely predicted to come in the next
year or two – and our economy is built entirely on a fragile system in which
the world produces and we, by and large, consume (U.S. manufacturing is
just 13 per cent of our GDP). At the moment we sustain a nearly $630
billion trade deficit with the rest of the world – it has leapt by an
incredible
$500 billion since 1993, and $180 billion since Bush took office in 2001 –
and in order to pay for that we have to have an inflow of cash from the rest
of the world of about $1 billion every day to pay for it, which was down by
half late last year. That kind of excess is simply unsustainable, especially
when you think that it is the other world empire, China, that is crucial for
supporting it, at the tune of some $83 billion on loan to the U.S. treasury.


Add to that an economy resting on a nearly $500 billion Federal budget
deficit, making up part of a total national debt of $7.4 trillion as of last
fall, and the continual drain on the economy by the military of at least
$530 billion a year (not counting military intelligence, whose figure we
never know). Nobody thinks that is sustainable either, which is why the
dollar has lost value everywhere – down by 30 per cent against the euro
since 2000 – and the world begins to lose faith in investment here. I
foresee that in just a few years the dollar will be so battered that the oil
states will no longer want to operate in that currency and will turn to the
euro instead, and China will let the yuan float against the dollar,
effectively making this nation bankrupt and powerless, unable to control
economic life within its borders much less abroad.

Third, military overstretch. Empires, because they are by definition
colonizers, are always forced to extend their military reach farther and
farther, and enlarge it against unwilling colonies more and more, until
coffers are exhausted, communication lines are overextended, troops are
unreliable, and the periphery resists and ultimately revolts. The American
empire, which began its worldwide reach well before Bush II, now has some
446,000 active troops at more than 725 acknowledged (and any number of
secret) bases in at least 38 countries around the world, plus a formal
"military presence" in no less than 153 countries, on every continent but
Antarctica – and nearly a dozen fully armed courier fleets on all the
oceans.  Talk of overstretch: the U.S. is less than 5 per cent of the
world's population.  Now that Bush has declared a "war on terror," instead
of the more doable war on Al Quada we should have waged, our armies and
agents will be on a battlefield universal and permanent that cannot possibly
be controlled or contained.

So far that military network has not collapsed, but as Iraq indicates it is
mightily tested and quite incapable of establishing client states to do our
bidding and protect resources we need. And as anti-American sentiment
continues to spread and darken – in all the Muslim countries, in much of
Europe, in much of Asia – and as more countries refuse the "structural
adjustments" that our IMF-led globalization requires, it is quite likely
that the periphery of our empire will begin resisting our dominance,
militarily if necessary. And far from having a capacity to fight two wars
simultaneously, as the Pentagon once hoped, we are proving that we can't
even fight one.

Finally, domestic dissent and upheaval. Traditional empires end up
collapsing from within as well as often being attacked from without, and
so far the level of dissent within the U.S. has not reached the point of
rebellion or secession – thanks both to the increasing repression of dissent
and escalation of fear in the name of "homeland security" and to the
success of our modern version of bread and circuses, a unique combination
of entertainment, sports, television, internet sex and games, consumption,
drugs, liquor, and religion that effectively deadens the general public into
stupor. But the tactics of the Bush II administration show that it is so
fearful of an expression of popular dissent that it is willing to defy and
ignore environmental, civil-rights, and progressive groups, to bribe
commentators to put out its propaganda, to expand surveillance and data-
base invasions of privacy, to use party superiority and backroom tactics to
ride roughshod over Congressional opposition, to use lies and deceptions
as a normal part of government operations, to break international laws and
treaties for short-term ends, and to use religion to cloak its every policy.


It's hard to believe that the great mass of the American public would ever
bestir itself to challenge the empire at home until things get much, much
worse. It is a public, after all, of which, as a Gallup poll in 2004 found,
61 per cent believe that "religion can answer all or most of today's
problems," and according to a Time/CNN poll in 2002 59 per cent believe in
the imminent apocalypse foretold in the Book of Revelation and take every
threat and disaster as evidence of God's will. And yet, it's also hard to
believe that a nation so thoroughly corrupt as this – in all its fundamental
institutions, its boughten parties, academies, corporations, brokerages,
accountants, governments – and resting on a social and economic base of
intolerably unequal incomes and property, getting increasingly unequal, will
be able to sustain itself for long. The upsurge in talk about secession
after the last election, some of which was deadly serious and led on to
organizations throughout most of the blue states, indicates that at least a
minority is willing to think about drastic steps to "alter or abolish" a
regime it finds itself fundamentally at odds with.

Those four processes by which empires always eventually fall seem to me
to be inescapably operative, in varying degrees, in this latest empire. And
I think a combination of several or all of them will bring about its
collapse within the next 15 years or so.

Jared Diamond's recent book detailing the ways societies collapse suggests
that American society, or industrial civilization as a whole, once it is
aware of the dangers of its current course, can learn from the failures of
the past and avoid their fates. But it will never happen, and for a reason
Diamond himself understands.

As he says, in his analysis of the doomed Norse society on Greenland that
collapsed in the early 15th century: "The values to which people cling most
stubbornly under inappropriate conditions are those values that were
previously the source of their greatest triumphs over adversity." If this is
so, and his examples would seem to prove it, then we can isolate the values
of American society that have been responsible for its greatest triumphs and
know that we will cling to them no matter what. They are, in one rough
mixture, capitalism, individualism, nationalism, technophilia, and humanism
(as in the dominance of humans over nature). There is no chance whatever,
no matter how grave and obvious the threat, that as a society that we will
abandon those.

Hence no chance to escape the collapse of empire.

Kirkpatrick Sale is the author of twelve books, including Human Scale,
The Conquest of Paradise, Rebels Against the Future, and The Fire of
His Genius: Robert Fulton and the American Dream.







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