Socialist Worker - March 15, 2005
www.socialistworker.co.uk/article.php4?article_id=6070

Tariq Ali on empire and those who fight it

Two years after the invasion of Iraq, writer and activist Tariq Ali
spoke to Socialist Worker about US strategy in the Middle East and
the growth of the Iraqi resistance to the occupation

The Iraqi resistance is demonised by Bush and Blair as terrorists,
supporters of Saddam Hussein, Islamic fundamentalists and so on.
Tell us what you think of the resistance.

Every resistance movement against imperialism has been categorised
as terrorist  the Mau Mau in Kenya were demonised and brutally
tortured by the British; the Algerian FLN by the French; the
Vietnamese by the French and the Americans.

Today Israel's Ariel Sharon refers to Palestinians as terrorists,
Russias Vladimir Putin crushes the Chechens in the name of fighting
terror and Tony Blair is assaulting traditional civil liberties in
this country in the name of fighting terror. Its hardly surprising
that the Iraqi resistance is characterised in the same fashion.

Obviously the means used to drive out imperial occupiers are
determined by the nature of the occupation. The brutality of the
US troops and systematic torture they have used has been well
documented. So how can the resistance be beautiful?

During the Algerian war a leader of the national liberation front,
the FLN, was asked about using terror against French civilians in
cafe bombings in Algiers. He replied, If we had an air force I
promise you we would only target French barracks, but till then...

How does the struggle between imperialism and the resistance in
Iraq compare with the struggles against French colonial rule in
Algeria or against the US in Vietnam? Have the techniques of empire
changed? Is the nature of the resistance different?

The techniques of empire have not changed at all. The tally in
Vietnam was two million Vietnamese dead and 50,000 US soldiers. The
tally in Iraq today is over 100,000 Iraqis dead and 1,500 US soldiers.
The proportions dont change.

What has changed is the world in which we live. With the collapse
of the traditional left there is a big vacuum. In Vietnam and Algeria
the movement was led by people who were either communists (Vietnam)
or secular nationalists (Algeria).

In Iraq today the heirs of the Iraqi Communists  whose leaders were
hanged by the British empire  are crude collaborators on every level.

The armed resistance is led by religious groups, ex-Baathists and
in certain areas by Iraqi nationalists. The political failure to
create a national liberation front is the Achilles heel of the
resistance.

Zarqawis al-Qaida group only entered the country after the US
occupation. It is a tiny minority whose tactics are denounced by
most Iraqis opposed to the occupation.

There is also the political resistance of Moqtada al-Sadr and his
faction, which is based in the Shia slums of Baghdad and the poor
sectors of Basra and other cities in the south of Iraq. He will
demand the withdrawal of all foreign troops and say no to permanent
US bases in the country.

If the leading figures in the United Iraqi Alliance, Abdul Aziz
al-Hakim, and Shia cleric Ali Sistani  not to mention the fraudster
Ahmed Chalabi  cave in, the resistance will spread to the south of
Iraq.

In my opinion, to demand and accept an election under the protection
of an occupying imperial army could only lead to further collaboration.

Sistani models himself on Gandhi, but India had a very different
history to Iraq and Gandhi called on the British to quit India at
the height of the Second World War.

The US administration was split over who should lead Iraq. The first
option was Iyad Allawi, the second option is Sistani/al-Hakim/Chalabi.

But the house of cards could collapse quickly if a Sistani regime
cannot deliver a rapid withdrawal.

Since 2003, we have seen the two assaults on Fallujah, the rebellion
in Najaf, the elections and the installation of another interim
government.

How has the Iraqi resistance developed and changed since 2003?

Fallujah is the Guernica of the Arab world. A city was destroyed,
its people killed, tortured, dislocated, its children orphaned.
Tragically, in contrast to the first assault on the city, Sistani
remained silent in November.

In other words the bloc he heads acquiesced in the destruction of
Fallujah in return for power sharing. This event marks the first
serious breach in the unity of Iraq.

The elections were initially regarded by Washington as a concession,
though US journalist Thomas Friedman argued strongly for them in
the New York Times on the grounds that it was best that Sistani
crushed the insurgency rather than the Americans. Just like its
best if Abu Mazen crushes the Palestinian resistance rather than
Sharon.

In an occupied country imperialism always divides and rules  India,
Africa, Vietnam, Korea, Cyprus, Ireland and the Arab east are
examples from the past. The American empire will want a client
regime in place and it will use each group against the other.

Allawi against Sistani; armed resistance groups against al-Sadr.
That is why some elementary unity on a political level is vital.
If Sistani, as the voice of the majority community, had denounced
the destruction of Fallujah, it would have created the basis for
some form of unity. So the resistance, in my opinion, has progressed
little over the last two years. This is a tragedy for Iraq.

There are several elements to what the US is doing in Iraq  military,
political and economic. To what extent is the resistance countering
in these three areas?

Militarily the resistance has made the country ungovernable, including
Baghdad, a city of several million people. Economically the targeting
of foreign companies and the pipelines has been effective. Oil firm
Halliburton is welcomed in Basra, but not Baghdad.

This is the first serious neo-liberal occupation and the third
largest presence  after US and British troops  is the privatised
armies run by firms.

A few months ago a South African mercenary was shot dead. It later
emerged that he had been one of the torturers of Steve Biko. I was
in South Africa at the time and many people rejoiced.

Can the resistance win  and what would this mean?

The withdrawal of all foreign troops, no military bases and Iraqi
control of Iraqi oil would constitute a victory. But will the US
allow this to happen?

Henry Kissinger has called for the Balkanisation of Iraq. The only
grouping ready for this are the Kurds, provided they get the oil
wells.

Neither Turkeyfor its own vile reasonsnor the rest of Iraq will
accept this willingly.

So its a mess, but the lack of an overall political project on the
part of the military and political resistance is a very serious
weakness.

Copyright Socialist Worker. You may republish if you include an
active link to the original.

***

Toronto Sun March 13, 2005 

Arab democracy just an illusion?

By Eric Margolis

The Bush administration is crowing about what it claims is "a wave of
democracy and freedom" sweeping the Middle East. And it's all thanks to 
the invasion of Iraq, insists the White House, offering the umpteenth new
rationale for going to war. 

Just look: Iraq held an election of sorts under U.S. "guidance." Egypt's
long-time ruler, Gen. Hosni Mubarak, says he will allow multi-party
elections. Tunisia and Saudi Arabia recently held elections. Lebanon, rent
by pro- and anti-Syrian protests, may soon hold new elections. 

All this does look like the dawn of Arab democracy -- to those who don't
know much about the region. Up close, the picture is less rosy. 

Ironically, the man most responsible for pushing the Arab world towards
political change is not George W. Bush, but his nemesis, Osama bin Laden. 

Overthrow 

For over a decade, bin Laden has agitated for the overthrow of the corrupt,
despotic Arab regimes supported by the U.S., and their replacement by a
traditional Islamic democratic consensus. 

As bin Laden's anti-American insurgency gathers strength and resonates 
among the restive Arab masses, the Bush administration has urged the 
frightened kings and generals running Washington's client Arab regimes to 
make a show of democratic reforms to head off popular uprisings. 

Most of these reforms are pure sham. Washington stage-managed Iraq's 
vote to empower Shia and Kurdish yes-men who will pretend to rule while 
the U.S. continues to run Iraq and pump its oil. Mubarak, the U.S.-backed 
military ruler of Egypt, is apparently grooming his son to take over under 
cover of rigged "open, multi-party" elections. 

In October, Tunisia's U.S.-backed military dictator won "re-election" by a
Soviet-style 94.5%. Saudi Arabia's recent vote was an empty exercise. 

Lebanon's noisy anti-Syrian demonstrations, which Bush hailed a 
"democratic revolution," were staged by a minority of its citizens -- mostly 
anti-Syrian Maronite Christians and Druze. 

Lebanon's largest ethnic group, Shia, strongly back both Syria's presence
and Hezbollah, Lebanon's most popular political party. Mounting U.S.
involvement in Lebanon risks re-igniting that nation's bloody, 15-year civil
war. 

The Arab world desperately needs democracy, rule of law, free speech and
honest government. Ironically, even Israel's Arabs, though second-class
citizens, enjoy more human and political rights than in many Arab states. 

But most Arabs see Bush's "freedom" crusade as a cynical campaign to 
tighten U.S. control of the Mideast by ditching old-fashioned generals and 
monarchs for more modern, democratic-looking civilian regimes that still do
Washington's bidding. 

The Arab world's only truly free election was held in 1991 by Algeria's
U.S.- and French-supported military regime. Islamic parties won a 
landslide.  The military annulled the vote and jailed Islamist leaders -- 
backed by Washington and Paris. 

It's likely any honest votes held in feudal Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia,
or military-run Egypt, Libya, and Syria, would produce similar results. 

Most Arab states lack political legitimacy. Soldiers and ferocious secret
police keep their repressive regimes in power. Once U.S. support for these
oligarchies wavers, as is happening now, opposition swells up. 

After Washington began voicing doubts in 1979 about the old U.S. ally, the
Shah of Iran, revolution ensued. The same process is now under way in 
Saudi Arabia. 

The Bush administration is right. Arabs need democracy. But it is behaving
like a bull in the Mideast china shop and is following contradictory
policies. Bush wants more popular, less dictatorial regimes, but only those
catering to U.S. strategic interests. 

Dangerous muddle 

All this ham-handed U.S. political engineering may produce a dangerous
muddle or even provoke collapse of pro-U.S. despots and their replacement  
by anti-U.S. revolutionary forces. 

If Bush really wants real Mideast democracy, he should begin with Egypt,
which contains a third of all Arabs, and is essentially a U.S. protectorate.
End its military dictatorship, allow real political parties, a free press,
and honest elections. Do not allow Egypt to get away with more sham
elections. Set a sterling example for the democracy-deficient Muslim world. 


The problem, unfortunately, is that the Arab world's most popular political
figure is very likely bin Laden. 

http://www.canoe.ca/NewsStand/Columnists/Toronto/Eric_Margolis/2005/03/13/95
9224.html


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]






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