Hi.  This is not an op-ed, but today's top editorial in the nation's leading
journal.  Granted it's Democratic Party bias it nevertheless reflects a
growing mass opinion, as well as accuracy.  Next steps have to be
under-girded by transforming that opinion into action - ergo, the vigils.
Ed

NY Times

Editorial Published: July 21, 2005

Off Course in Iraq
Most of the Bush administration's justifications for invading Iraq have
turned out to be wrong. But the one surviving argument for overthrowing
Saddam Hussein has been an important one: it was a chance to bring freedom
and equality to the citizens suffering under a brutal dictatorship. For
those of us holding onto that hope, this week brought disheartening news on
multiple fronts.

Most chilling of all are the prospects for Iraqi women. As things now stand,
their rights are about to be set back by nearly 50 years because of new
family law provisions inserted into a draft of the constitution at the
behest of the ruling Shiite religious parties. These would make Koranic law,
called Shariah, the supreme authority on marriage, divorce and inheritance
issues. Even secular women from Shiite families would be stripped of their
right to choose their own husbands, inherit property on the same basis as
men and seek court protection if their husbands tire of them and decide to
declare them divorced.


Less severe laws would be imposed on Sunni women, but only because the draft
constitution also embraces the divisive idea of having separate systems of
family law in the same country. That is not only offensive, but also
impractical in a country where Sunnis and Shiites have been marrying each
other for generations.

Unless these draft provisions are radically revised, crucial personal
freedoms that survived Saddam Hussein's tyranny are about to be lost under a
democratic government sponsored and protected by the United States. Is this
the kind of freedom President Bush claims is on the march in the Middle
East? Is this the example America hopes Iraq will set for other states in
the region? Is this the result that American soldiers, men and women, are
sacrificing their lives for?

Women are not the only ones facing big losses in the new Iraq. The Sunni
minority continues to be treated with contempt and suspicion because it
enjoyed a privileged position under the old Baathist dictatorship. It took
considerable American pressure to get a fair share of Sunnis, as members and
consultants, added to the committee working on the new constitution. Two of
those appointed Sunnis were assassinated by insurgents this week, and
yesterday the others temporarily suspended their participation, citing
security concerns.

In considering whether to put their lives on the line again, these Sunnis
will not be encouraged by the latest destructive antics of Ahmad Chalabi,
the former American favorite who is now a powerful deputy prime minister.
Mr. Chalabi, who has long advocated barring even low-level former Baathists
from official employment, has now succeeded in disrupting and discrediting
the judicial tribunal preparing for the trial of Mr. Hussein. He is pressing
for the dismissal of senior staff members, including a top judge, because of
former Baathist associations.

The single most crucial requirement for Mr. Hussein's trial is preserving
the appearance of impartial justice in the name of the whole Iraqi nation.
Mr. Chalabi's actions, which his nominal boss, Prime Minister Ibrahim
al-Jaafari, seems powerless to oppose, risk turning the proceedings into a
tawdry spectacle of sectarian revenge, which would only fuel divisive and
deadly hatreds.

Mr. Bush owes Americans a better explanation for what his policies are
producing in Iraq than tired exhortations to stay the course and irrelevant
invocations of Al Qaeda and the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Most days, the news
from Iraq is dominated by suicide bombers and frightening scenes of carnage.
Occasionally, the smoke clears for a day or two to reveal the underlying
picture. That looks even scarier.

***

San Francisco Chronicle - July 17, 2005
http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2005/07/17/MNG5GDPEK31.DTL

CASUALTY OF WAR: THE U.S. ECONOMY

by James Sterngold, Chronicle Staff Writer

The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have already cost taxpayers $314 billion,
and the Congressional Budget Office projects additional expenses of perhaps
(an additional) $450 billion over the next 10 years.

That could make the combined campaigns, especially the war in Iraq, the most
expensive military effort in the last 60 years, causing even some
conservative experts to criticize the open-ended commitment to an elusive
goal. The concern is that the soaring costs, given little weight before now,
could play a growing role in U.S. strategic decisions because of the fiscal
impact.

"Osama (bin Laden) doesn't have to win; he will just bleed us to death,"
said Michael Scheuer, a former counterterrorism official at the CIA who led
the pursuit of bin Laden and recently retired after writing two books
critical of the Clinton and Bush administrations. "He's well on his way to
doing it."

The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, a nonpartisan Washington
think tank, has estimated that the Korean War cost about
$430 billion and the Vietnam War cost about $600 billion, in current
dollars. According to the latest estimates, the cost of the war in Iraq
could exceed $700 billion.

Put simply, critics say, the war is not making the United States safer and
is harming U.S. taxpayers by saddling them with an enormous debt burden,
since the war is being financed with deficit spending.

One of the most vocal Republican critics has been Sen. Chuck Hagel of
Nebraska, who said the costs of the war -- many multiples greater than what
the White House had estimated in 2003 -- are throwing U.S. fiscal priorities
out of balance.

"It's dangerously irresponsible," Hagel said in February of the war
spending.

He later told U.S. News & World Report, "The White House is completely
disconnected from reality." He added that the apparent lack of solid plans
for defeating the insurgency and providing stability in Iraq made it seem
"like they're just making it up as they go along."

The Democrats have also raised concerns about the apparent lack of an exit
strategy and the fast-rising costs, particularly since President Bush has
chosen to pay for the war with special supplemental appropriations outside
the normal budget process. Some Democrats have insisted that, to cover war
costs, the president should propose comparable reductions in other
government programs, in part to be fiscally responsible and in part to make
the price of the war more tangible.

"We are not going to be stinting in our support of our troops," said Rep.
John Spratt, D-S.C., a senior member of both the Budget and Armed Services
committees. "The least we can do is make sure they have everything they need
to do the job. On the other hand, we need to understand the long-term costs.

We need to know it to make honest budgets.

"Are there trade-offs we can make to pay for this? We have to look at that.
This has been longer-lasting and more intense than anybody anticipated."

Some conservative experts outside Congress also have started questioning
whether the war and its uncertain conclusion are worth the cost, in money
and blood.

"The objective has always been to install a friendly government," said
Charles V. Peqa, director of defense policy studies at the Cato Institute in
Washington, a libertarian think tank. "Are the costs worth that? No, because
it's not something we can accomplish for the long term. It's just going to
continue to drain the American taxpayer. I don't see how it's going to get
better. It's only going to get worse."

James Jay Carafano, a senior fellow for national security and homeland
security at the Heritage Foundation, which supports the president on most
matters, warned that the war's costs would only rise because of the growing
need to repair and replace battered military equipment, from helicopters to
Humvees. In addition, the rising death toll is making it harder for the
military to recruit new soldiers, and long deployments are hurting the
morale of National Guard and reserve units sent to Iraq.

If the White House does not increase military spending, Carafano warned, the
United States could end up with both a looming disaster in Iraq and a weaker
military.

"I don't think we're going to have enough money to run this military based
on what they're asking for," said Carafano. "If you don't increase spending,
you can hollow out the military."

He added that the war itself increasingly looks like a bad investment: "I
think there is a point of diminishing returns in Iraq. There is a point
where you're just throwing money at the problem. Quite frankly, I think
we're at the tipping point."

Since the shooting war in Iraq began in March, 2003, 1,763 U.S. soldiers
have been killed in Iraq, and at least 13,336 have been wounded, according
to data collected by the Iraq Index, which is assembled by the Brookings
Institution in Washington.

In September 2002, the Congressional Budget Office, a nonpartisan research
arm of Congress, estimated that the war would cost $1.5 billion to $4
billion per month. In fact, it costs between $5 billion and $8 billion per
month.

The Pentagon says the "burn rate" -- the operating costs of the wars -- has
averaged $5.6 billion per month in the current fiscal year, but that does
not include some costs for maintenance and replacement of equipment and some
training and reconstruction costs, experts say.

According to an analysis by the Democratic staff of the House Budget
Committee, from the beginning of the war in March, 2003, through the fiscal
year that ends Sept. 30, the Bush administration has received a total of
$314 billion in special appropriations for the wars.

Unlike the Persian Gulf War against Iraq in 1991, the U.S. has had to bear
nearly all this war's costs on its own. The Congressional Research Service
reported that, as of early June, 26 countries had military forces in Iraq,
but they make up a small fraction of the U.S. troop levels, about 140, 000;
another 11 countries have already left Iraq.

Just for the current fiscal year, the administration has received 107
$billion in special appropriations, about $87 billion of which is
directly related to military operations, according to the Center for
Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. Most of the remainder has been spent on
training and equipping Iraqi forces.

U.S. taxpayers must also cover other costs. For instance, the United States
is spending $658 million to construct an embassy in Baghdad, which, with
initial operating costs, could bring the expense of this super-secure
facility to nearly $1.3 billion by the time it opens in several years.

"Two years ago, no one expected the war would take this long," said Steven
Kosiak, director of budget studies at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary
Assessments. "On a per-troop basis, this war has been far more costly than
expected, almost double the estimates."

Edward Luttwak, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington and a former military consultant to both
Republican and Democratic administrations, said the unexpectedly high costs
show inappropriate military priorities in Iraq. He said too much is being
spent on operating high-tech weaponry, such as jet fighters and naval battle
groups, and not enough on troops, which are best at fighting elusive
insurgents. That just further proves that the U.S. military, Luttwak said,
is the best on earth at fighting conventional wars, but one of the worst at
policing and counterinsurgencies.

For example, he noted that heavy Air Force fighters, such as the F-15E, are
being used for aerial reconnaissance, when cheaper aircraft might work
better. He questioned why a huge Navy battle group, including an aircraft
carrier, is stationed near Iraq, when it offers little help in fighting a
largely hidden insurgency in Iraq's towns and cities.

"It's quite important to look at the costs of the war, quite apart from
counting the money, which is substantial," Luttwak said. "It is a good way
to assess what is going on. It's not worth the price of what we're paying."

***

For a listing of Neighborhood Vigils throughout So. Calif.
click on http://www.change-links.org/vigils1.htm  or google
Change Links Calendar and scroll past a myriad of peace type
events/activities to the Vigil Listing.  It's worth checking out.
Ed


SHOULDER TO SHOULDER AGAINST THE WAR
SUNSET BLVD AND  ECHO PARK AVE.
WEST ON SUNSET TO ALVARADO AND BEYOND
FRIDAY, JULY 29 5-7 PM

We are a group of friends and neighbors who have been holding
weekly Friday night anti-war vigils on the corner of Sunset and
Echo Park for the last several months.  With recent polls showing
that a majority of Americans now oppose the war, we decided to
go for a really strong statement in our neighborhood.

We invite you to bring anti-war and "bring home the troops" signs,
along with your friends and families and join us on the last Friday
in July.  That's Friday, July 29 5-7 PM

We will be lining up shoulder to shoulder along Sunset Blvd.
beginning at Echo Park Ave and stretching west along Sunset
as far as our numbers will take us. If we are successful, we will
be making this a monthly event!

You are also invited to join us at one of the two weekly
neighborhood vigils:

          Friday nights 5-7PM
       Echo Park Ave. and Sunset

                        Or

       In front of the Vista Theater
where Hollywood Blvd. and Sunset intersect






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