Martyrs, Mantras and the Casualties of War

Morning Star (UK)
www.morningstaronline.co.uk
28th July 2005

submitted to Portside by the author

Jean Charles de Menezes.  The name lived in relative
obscurity and will slip away, in similar terms, over
the coming weeks.  It does, however, sum up the
futility of much that comes to be symbolised by 'the
war on terror'.

At some point, a full list of the innocent victims of
the London bombings will be drawn up.  There will be
places to pay tribute to those who died; documented
accounts of the arbitrary ways in which suicide bombers
take the lives of innocent civilians far more than they
take war combatants.  But the name of Jean Charles de
Menezes is unlikely to figure in any of these lists.

In case you are still puzzled, Mr de Menezes was the
young electrician, on his way to work, who made the
mistake of wearing a padded jacket and running from the
police into the London underground in the days after
the bombs went off.  Seven bullets to the back of his
head added another number to the death toll, but only a
small sliver of the press have paid any attention (or
tribute) to him in the lists of the innocent.  It may
have been different if he had been white, rather than
Brazilian and vaguely ‘foreign looking'.  No matter,
we are told that a ‘shoot to kill' presumption is part
of the new reality of policing that we all have to get
used to in the on-going war on terror.  No one asks,
whether this is just a victory for the terrorists or
why Britain chose to ignore the warnings of the anti-
war movement -- that this was where the war on Iraq
would take us -- long before the Prime Minister signed
up to Bush's oil-jihad on Iraq.

In fact, Iraq is the one connection specifically ruled
out in all Downing Street's responses to the bombings.
When the Prime Minister insists we must all move on
after the Iraq war, it is as though we are to pretend
it never happened or has no causal connection with
events that follow.  It enters a world that would seek
to make up history as it goes along.

For the record, al Qaida had no platform of support in
Iraq prior to the war.  Now it is an open recruitment
ground.  Although the US government talks of plans to
cut the 135,000 troops it has stationed in Iraq after
next spring/summer they will only do so if Iraq can be
tied up as a puppet state: bound by a US-written
constitution and tied to contracts that have all been
assigned to US multinationals.  The on-going occupation
has little to do with Iraqi security.  The majority of
Iraqis now attribute the bulk of their security
problems to the presence of American troops rather than
the risk of withdrawal.  Press reports of suicide
bombings and ambushes conveniently omit to mention the
increasing tendency of US troops to see all Iraqis as
potential suicide bombers, and adopt their own
‘precautionary' shoot-to-kill policy.

US soldiers recently shot in the head, the police
general in charge of Iraq's serious crime squad. It
comes in the midst of frequent shootings of innocent
Iraqi drivers and passengers in the war on terror.

The process not only recruits more terrorists than it
kills, it also creates a network of community support
for those who strike back against excesses by the State
or the occupying army. Britain should think long and
hard about this before accepting shoot-to-kill as a
first line (rather than last resort) of anti-terrorist
policies.  Real gains will come through the politics of
inclusion rather than from assassinations.  It is one
of the other lessons we should learn from history.

In the years that followed the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan in 1979, Britain and America sponsored its
own jihad in the Muslim world, as a way of driving the
Russians out.  The CIA even financed training camps in
northern Pakistan, where the brave mujahedin could be
equipped for their part in the war on communism.  Kids
could get a Kalashnikov more easily than an education.
More went into the mountains than into state schools.
But when the Russians left the fighters ceased to be
heroic.  As soon as they clashed with other US
interests in the region they became the new fanatics.

Today's talk of forcing Pakistan to close the religious
schools (madrassas) that are seen as the breeding
grounds of fanaticism overlooks  a more damning reality
about the country.  Across huge tranches of it, almost
70% of the state schools have closed because there is
no money and no teachers.  No inroads will be made
against fanaticism and terrorism unless poverty,
ignorance and exclusion are tackled first.  It is the
unresolved agenda of injustice that threatens us most.
So too, with the role that States are being asked to
play internationally.  The incessant demands are for
laws, policies and practices that control the citizen
in the interests of broader extra-territorial
interests.

The control of mullahs and mosques, the reigning in of
‘troublesome priests', the surrender of civil liberties
and the silencing of political critics are all seen as
essential State tools in response to threats that come
from what Bush refers to as 'the enemies of
civilisation'.

In Iraq, citizens have been trying to define this
threat in different terms.  We heard very little in
Britain about the general strike of Iraqi oil workers
that took place on July 15th this year.  It was in
opposition to a fundamentalism of a different kind.

The West had been working on privatisation plans for
Iraqi oil long before the March 2003 invasion.  As soon
as the bombing stopped, senior executives from Shell,
Exxon-Mobil, Conoco and BP were all parachuted in on
‘rescue' missions. Every company with a petrol tank to
fill called for Iraq's oil to be privatised.  But the
oil-mullahs knew that some sort of camouflage would be
needed.  The language of free-market fundamentalism
changed to talk of co-production rather than crude
privatisation.

This new theology talks of ‘production sharing' in the
same way that Apartheid sought to espouse the doctrine
of separate development.  Essentially it just hands oil
development (and revenues) to outside corporations, and
ties it up in legal agreements that Iraqi governments
cannot challenge or change.  This is the market
fanaticisim that ordinary Iraqi's are beginning to rise
up against; the threats to their own civilisation
driven by the theologies of greed, hatred and
intolerance.

Britain is knee-deep in the process.  Foreign Office
officials have been working on 'fiscal and regulatory
issues' in Iraq that will prevent future governments
from reclaiming their own oil.  We talk glibly about
the tyranny of religious states, imposing brutal,
unchallengeable orthodoxies on their citizens.  And yet
we do the same with free-market fundamentalism.

The right to live in open, tolerant societies, free
from fear or persecution, has to be fought for in the
face of those who would divide and exploit us all.  It
is a struggle as much against those who would take
innocent lives and prospects by economic means as
against those who do so by suicide bombs.  We cannot
pretend that one is an outrage and the other not.

Alan Simpson MP
Nottingham South

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***

Date: Sun, 31 Jul 2005 01:45:02 -0400 (EDT)
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [NYTr] Cuban Opposition Rejects USA's "Transition Czar"

Original Spanish at IBLNews - July 30, 2005
http://iblnews.com/story.php?id=1732

Moderate Opposition Rejects US "Transition" Coordinator for Cuba

Original Spanish from EFE News (Spain)
English translation by New York Transfer News

A moderate Cuban opposition group today condemned Washington's
decision to name a "coordinator for transition" in Cuba, saying it
constituted an "attack" against the island's sovereignty, according to
EFE News.

"The naming of a coordinator for transition in Cuba is an attack on our
national sovereignty, shows an ignorance of our capacity to determine
our own destiny, and violates international law," states a communiqué by
Manuel Cuesta Morúa, spokesman of the social-democratic organization
"Arco Progresista" (Progressive Arc).

The U.S. Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, announced Thursday the
appointment of Caleb McCarry, a staffer with the Foreign Relations
Committee of the House of Representatives, as the new Government
pointman to "coordinate the transition to democracy in Cuba."

"The United States government is committing an error and giving offense to
the majority of Cubans," the communiqué continues, and adds that Arco
Progresista "soundly rejects this inappropriate and insulting proposal."

According to Cuesta Morúa, with this initiative U.S. authorities "rescue"
the Cuban government at a time when internal conditions in Cuba require it
to make "strategic decisions in the face of increasing popular demands for
significant changes in the way the country is run."

In his opinion, this "interference" by the U.S. government "helps to divert
attention from our main problems. Once again the conflict between the
governments obscures the contradictions between the Cuban government
and its citizens."

Arco Progresista demanded that Washington "not intervene" in Cuban affairs
and asked for the international community to support his call.

In addition Elizardo Sánchez, leader of the Cuban Commission for Human
Rights and National Reconciliation, characterized the appointment of McCarry
"counter-productive and difficult to accept."

The U.S. decision, Sánchez told EFE, will "worsen relations between
Washington and Havana and will serve the Cuban government by enabling it to
continue to raise the spectre of foreign intervention in Cuban affairs."

Relations between Cuba and the United States are going through one of their
tensest times in recent years.

On July 26th, during his speech marking the anniversary of the beginning of
the revolution, Cuban leader Fidel Castro accused the United States of
financing and organizing the internal opposition and strongly attacked
President George W. Bush and the head of the U.S. Interests Section in
Cuba, James Cason, who is about to conclude his term of office.-EFE








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