----- Original Message ----- 
From: david siar 
To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition 
Sent: Wednesday, November 23, 2005 12:49 PM
Subject: [Marxism] Million Worker March


I recently posed a question here about the status of the Million Worker 
March Movement and received a response from Douglas MacDonald off-list.  
I'm therefore passing along that response so that any interested list 
members can read it.

Dave Siar

<>
It has been a year since I last participated in the MWM Organizing 
Committee.  I have written below a brief synopsis of the events and 
lessons I gleaned from my participation.  It is my hope that those 
reading this can learn from these experiences so together we can move 
forward and build a new independent workers movement. <> 

Solidarity; <> 
Douglas MacDonald <> 

***********************************************************

 Million Worker March: One Year and One Month Later

<> <> 
The MWM Movement has basically run its course.  After a vain attempt by 
many people across the country to forge a national organization steeped 
in working class independence and grass roots democracy following 
October 17th, we could not. 

 

The reasons are varied.  In my opinion, the leaders from ILWU Local 10 
MWM were disingenuous and gave only lip service to building a political 
organization independent of the Democratic Party. In fact, it was only 
through strategy and appeals to the entire room of initial participants 
that the MWM List of Demands, most fundamentally anti-imperialist and 
transitional in nature, was passed.  The List of Demands shows a strong 
sense of basic class independence.  However, the ILWU Local 10 MWM 
leaders always maintained that the Endorsing Resolution circulated 
through the various union locals, which heralds the virtues of FDR and 
the New Deal, was the true politics. In fact key organizers explained to 
me through the course of the year that they simply wanted to force union 
leadership and progressive democrats to come to terms and elect more 
liberal candidates. The result of this duality was the mixed messages 
from key speakers at the rally calling for a vote for Kerry while 
demanding we hold him "accountable".

 

Beyond the political difference that existed between members of the 
originating SF MWM committee was a much larger problem: the lack of any 
real support by Bay Area locals or unions nationally.  Simply put, the 
MWM had no base.  During the 9 months of organizing no more than a 
handful of individual union activists showed up for the weekly 
meetings.  The majority of people present were always activists or 
individuals who had once been union members.  The kick-off Rally held 
for the MWM at the ILWU Local 10 drew less than 200 people, most of them 
being the usual suspects in the SF left scene, a few students, a handful 
of union militants and only a couple dozen ILWU local 10 folks. (I 
happen to be a community activist and not a union member). The movement 
just never gained any traction among the rank and file.  The 
overwhelming pressure by the Union bureaucrats to focus on electoral 
politics and the absence of union funding was a surprise to the ILWU 
Local 10 MWM leaders, as they thought union locals would see great 
benefit in creating a pressure group on the top union leadership and 
politicians.

 

Outside of paper resolutions, the Local 10 MWM leaders never garnered 
any real rank and file support in their own local or any other local in 
the Bay Area. This cannot possibly be their fault entirely as it is now 
known that AFL-CIO leaders and local politicians and unions actively 
campaigned against the MWM and tried to undermine the March at every 
turn.  Yes, the Local 10 leaders carried on under such attacks and were 
forced ever more into a position of supporting the List of Demands and 
independent working class politics.  Thousands of beautifully designed 
t-shirts were printed, largely out of the proceeds of one individual 
ILWU Local 10 leader which we were reminded of often. Though this showed 
great sacrifice, it also further ensnared the MWM movement into blithely 
deferring to the leadership of the ILWU Local 10 MWM out of obligation 
rather than respect.  When strings are attached, such a "gift" is hardly 
a "gift" at all.

 

Day to day, the MWM leaders were inexperienced organizers and in the 
end, had to rely on Workers World and the PSL (ANSWER) for actual 
on-the-ground logistics and man power.  My hat goes off to both of these 
organizations in that they were willing to put time and effort into 
helping us, even though it was largely done at the last minute by 
ANSWER.  Of course, much of both groups decision to assist us was based 
on self-interest and positioning. Be that as it may, they both did a 
terrific job in helping us and, they still were able to work well 
together after their recent split. As you know, the leaders of ANSWER 
left Workers World and formed the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL).

 

An open and democratic structure within the MWM was called for by many 
in SF and even around the country, but such calls were undermined by the 
local 10 ILWU MWM leadership at every opportunity. Membership and voting 
privileges were never clarified and were granted and taken away at the 
whim of Local 10 leaders.  This made recruitment difficult. As the 
complaints about a small clique of unaccountable decision makers grew, 
the Local 10 MWM leaders and their acolytes stated a call for democracy 
in the MWM was simply a way to remove black leadership. Race-baiting 
reared its ugly head and smashed any possibility of growing a vibrant, 
cohesive and independent working class movement. 

 

After failing to have a cogent discussion on democratic process and 
directions in SF, the ILWU Local 10 MWM leadership was pressed to 
confront the issue.  I and a few others forced the question and were 
told that a past meeting had voted to have the discussion of democratic 
structure at a national meeting to occur the day after the march in 
Washington.  I asked to see the minutes as I felt this was a delaying 
tactic. None were provided and the question of group democracy and 
really, the rank and files ability to discuss the politic trajectory of 
the MWM was pushed off another month.  But as the March date loomed, no 
meeting had been set by the Local 10 leadership. The week before the 
event, I called all the national chapter contacts and pleaded that a 
representative stay for a meeting to discuss "what next" to be held the 
day after the rally at our hotel.  I left many messages and got a few 
call backs and crossed my fingers.

 

The day after the March came and word had gotten out about the meeting.  
However, the Local 10 leaders were telling people the meeting had been 
cancelled!  Again, inaction to organize the meeting and an attempt to 
stop the meeting revealed the leaderships controlling nature and attempt 
to squelch political expression outside their control. After over 50 
leaders of local MWM organizing committees from around the country 
showed up in the conference room for the meeting, the ILWU Local 10 MWM 
leadership was forced to attend and were the last ones to enter the 
room.  However, they were of course, the ones to hold the gavel.

 

Many issues were discussed, including the pros and cons of the rally, 
fundraising etc.  When the discussion turned towards creating a national 
organization and democratic structure, the Local 10 leadership 
maintained that such a movement was simply trying to usurp and replace 
black leadership.  Unfortunately, this race-baiting and basic crushing 
of political dialogue worked.  The leadership berated and cowed much of 
the attendees to abandon getting specific democratic structures 
clarified.  Finally, any such discussion was tabled until a national 
conference which was to be held in the spring of 2005.  No discussion of 
the political trajectory of the organization took place.  It should be 
noted that both ANSWER and Workers World spoke against those seeking a 
more democratic structure, suggesting such a strategy was premature, 
onerous and tangential to real organizing tasks.

 

The basic thrust of Local 10's MWM leadership was to undermine the 
political independence of the movement and channel it into a campaign to 
win support from union leaders and liberal democrats for basic 
Democratic Party New Deal politics.  It is clear by action and word that 
the last thing the Local 10 MWM leadership wanted was the creation of a 
class independent workers movement.  In retrospect, a political showdown 
should have taken place over the basic political principles of the 
organization.  However, such a showdown presented a catch-22. Most SF 
MWM members were concerned about alienating the only union that really 
showed any support for the MWM, the ILWU Local 10 itself.   If those 
seeking to build a movement independent of the Democratic Party had won 
absent any real base or union participation, then the ILWU would have 
likely shut down the MWM.   

 

Was the MWM going to simply create a protest movement to pressure 
Democrats to listen to the needs of working people or was the MWM going 
to forge a new independent class conscious fight back movement?  This 
question was never raised.  It went unasked out of fear, propriety and 
intimidation. Sadly, the MWM formed neither, as the union movement 
locally and nationally decidedly turned their back on ILWU Local 10 and 
sought instead to throw energy and money into electing Democrats while 
demanding nothing of them.  The MWM's leadership was poorly equipped to 
deal with such a jilt and they were left with no organizing capacity.  
Moreover, class independent politics is still misunderstood and 
unpopular, in the ILWU Local 10 as it is with the majority of workers 
and Americans.

 

It has been over a year since I participated at any great length with 
the MWM.  As far as I can surmise, it has descended into a 5-6 man talk 
shop in the Bay Area that issues platitudes to empty chairs on a 
semi-monthly basis.  I have heard some left currents float around the 
organization including Workers World, the Lambertists and occasionally 
the PSL. The MWM's most recent work has been focused around supporting 
the Nation of Islam's recent National March in Washington. Malcolm X is 
spinning in his grave. They still have no base in either community 
organizing or Local 10.  The national network of activists and union 
contacts gained from a years worth of organizing for the March appears 
to go untouched and wasted. 

 

 

Former National Outreach Coordinator, Million Worker March SF, CA

 

Douglas MacDonald

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