Hi.  The memorial service for Frank Wilkinson is today, 2 p.m. at
Holman United Methodist Church, 3320 W. Adams Blvd., in LA..
The main analysis presents other dimensions of the eruption in
Palestine, and then the NY Times, on the bottom line.  Both
deserve careful reading and not with despair.
Ed

http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Jan06/Ash27.htm
Bravo Abbas! Bravo Hamas!
by Gabriel Ash
 www.dissidentvoice.org
 January 27, 2006


 Elections results in the Occupied Territories show that Fatah has
lost its majority in the Palestinian parliament by a stunningly large
margin. This is a transformational event with lasting geopolitical
importance, for Hamas and Fatah, for Palestinians and Israelis, and
for the world.

 Mahmoud Abbas, leader of Fatah and head of the make-believe
Palestinian "government", was never an inspiring figure. Palestine
today is still at a stage that requires a liberation movement. Yet
Abbas, even more than Arafat before him, bought into the Western
conceit that he was a head of state in the making. Rather than
leading the struggle for liberation, Abbas focused on being a
technocrat to satisfy the rhetorical needs of the EU and the US who
funded him. In his speeches, he sometimes channeled the words
dictated to him by his donors more than the aspirations of his
constituents. His handling of his greatest challenge as a politician
-- restoring cohesion and a sense of purpose to Fatah -- was
mediocre. The necessary takeover of Fatah by the younger generation
of leaders is happening, but far from smoothly, and older figures
widely perceived as corrupt and ineffectual continue to cling to
power. Finally, Abbas has staked his grand strategy on the
continuation of Oslo and a negotiated peace with Israel. On that
front he has achieved nothing; although, to be fair, it wasn't his
fault.

 Nevertheless, Abbas is about to make history, and leave his people
and the whole region an inspiring gift. Abbas is overseeing the first
grand democratic defeat of an Arab leader in a popular election. If
he steps down as he has promised to do, he will have completed an
achievement without parallel. Let it be noticed that losing was not
as easy as it may seem. Abbas had to overcome and ignore the
persistent calls within his own party to postpone the elections. He
had to contend with a grand chorus of Israeli, US and EU voices
calling on him to undermine the democratic process by excluding
Hamas. He had opportunities aplenty to cave in. He did not.
Palestinians, not the least because of their poverty and years of
stubborn resistance, have a more democratic culture than the rest of
the Middle East. Nevertheless, it is to Abbas' credit that he
accepted and expressed this democratic spirit. It is a rare leader
anywhere, and rarer still in the Middle East, who doesn't imagine
himself God's gift to his nation. For defending the integrity of this
fragile democratic exercise even as it went against him Abbas
deserves an unqualified Bravo.

Hamas is the big winner of the elections. It too deserves a Bravo.
(From reading the mainstream Western media, one gets the impression
that the only interesting question is when Hamas will recognize
Israel and renounce violence. Our "objective" journalists cannot
possibly adopt a perspective other than that of the Israeli state. Do
send them a nice card; their "profession" is the oldest in the world.
I will not bore you with the same question. I hope Hamas does what
Palestinians expect them to do and nothing else -- lead the fight for
liberty and dignity.)

For many years now Hamas has been at the forefront of the struggle
for Palestinian liberation. While far from being alone, Hamas
recognized early that Oslo was a cul-de-sac and a fraud. For better
or for worse -- and the jury is still out -- Hamas played a crucial
role in the decision to meet the militarized Israeli repression of
the second intifada with arms. Hamas was early to adopt the tactic of
suicide attacks. Thanks to the usual double standard, these are
viewed in the West as more reprehensible than the much more lethal
weapons routinely used by Israel. Fatefully, Hamas took a hard line
on the use of suicide attacks, refusing to accept distinctions others
proposed, such as between civilian and military targets, or between
targets inside the Occupied Territories and those in pre-67 Israel.
While I believe this was Hamas' biggest mistake and a missed
opportunity to drive a wedge between Israel's bellicose leadership
and less bellicose public, Hamas' position reflected significant
segments of Palestinian public opinion and was neither less nor more
immoral than Israel's military practices.

 Crucial to its current electoral success is Hamas' recognition that
resistance is more than guns. Since its inception, Hamas has operated
mosques, schools, clinics and charities. It has made the survival and
maintenance of Palestinian society a major priority, providing vital
services in an economic environment that got bleaker by the day.
Despite not having access to the larger sums and apparently useless
expertise that the PA received from the US and the EU, Hamas is
widely recognized to have done a better job than the PA as a provider
of services. That is no small success and reflects well on the
qualities of Hamas' leaders and cadres. Beyond that, it demonstrates
Hamas ability to maintain a spirit of dedication and personal
integrity.

Public rejection of corruption is no doubt a major explanation for
the rise of Hamas. But so is religion. Palestinian society has turned
increasingly to religion in response to the hardships of daily life
under Israeli occupation. At the same time, it is hard not to credit
the religious bond and commitment for Hamas' strength and ability to
resist the lure of corruption. It is fashionable in the West,
especially at the center and left of the political discourse, to
compare "our fundamentalists with theirs." While there is truth in
that comparison, it misses quite a lot. "Our fundamentalists," from
George Bush to Pat Robertson, are fundamentally corrupt. Their
religion is a racket. On the Muslim side the opposite seems often to
be the case. Far from being a shakedown, religion over there is an
antidote to corruption. Karl Marx famously dismissed religion as
"Opium for the masses." In the Middle East it is more like
amphetamines. It keeps people going past the end of exhaustion and
despair.

While Palestinian society turned more religious, Hamas turned more
ecumenical. Palestinian parliamentarian Hanan Ashrawi expressed fear
that "militants will now impose their fundamentalist social agenda
and lead the Palestinians into international isolation." That is a
distinct and worrying possibility, but it is not set in stone. In
these elections the candidates for Hamas' new political party "Reform
and Change" included women, Christians, and moderates. Hamas is
now a larger political tent of Palestinian nationalism with a strong
religious orientation; it encompasses radicals, moderates and
conservatives with a variety of perspectives. Tensions between
democratic and religious authority will continue to exist, and narrow
fundamentalist tendencies are clearly present. But there is also hope
that the current openness will hold and that Hamas will continue to
develop toward increased democracy and inclusiveness.

With regards to the national struggle, which understandably casts a
large shadow, Hamas has staked two major differences from Fatah.
These differences underscore the threat that the victory of Hamas
poses to the West's colonial strategies.

Hamas maintains it will continue to defend armed struggle as a
legitimate option. For now, Hamas is abstaining from violence,
although the cease-fire agreed in Cairo had officially expired. It is
quite possible that Hamas will continue to favor peaceful means. But
it refuses to cave in to pressure and maintains the right to evaluate
its strategies from a Palestinian rather than Western perspective.
American, Israeli and European officials claim they will not talk to
Hamas as long as it doesn't renounce violence. As long as these
hypocrites don't renounce violence themselves, they have zero moral
authority. Hamas deserves credit for refusing to take moral guidance
from self-righteous bullies.

Hamas is also refusing to recognize Israel and negotiate on the basis
of Oslo and the roadmap. Instead Hamas candidates have outlined a
strategy of independence, strengthening Palestinian society and
resistance and advancing national goals without relying on Israeli
and international approval. Hamas calls this option "ignoring
Israel."

In the current international context, such a strategy is dangerous
but not without sense. While Israel demands to be recognized, it is
clearly unwilling to recognize minimal Palestinian demands. Both the
White House and the Democrats -- "progressive" such as Barack
Obama and regressive like Clinton and Lieberman -- are parroting
Israel like a second grade pupil reading from My Pet Goat. The EU
seems mostly interested in helping the US play a good cop, bad cop
routine. There will be a price to pay, but Hamas seems to think the
West has currently little to offer Palestinians beyond money to
lubricate the wheels of corruption. There is precious little evidence
to prove them wrong.

As Hamas handles the pressure of assuming power, either in a
coalition with Fatah or alone, it is possible that these two
principles will be watered down significantly. The price for
consistency may be too high, especially in lost foreign assistance.
Palestinians today survive on foreign charity (or, one could rephrase
that as saying that the Israeli occupation is financed by the EU and
the US). Unless Hamas can hook up new donors to replace the EU
and US, it may be willing to compromise rather than face a popular
backlash. I hope that Hamas finds creative ways to subvert this new
phase of Western colonialism. But realistically, the challenge is
enormous.

As a secular leftist, I would have been more comfortable had
Palestinian society coalesced around a leftist resistance movement.
I'm sure many readers share that preference. But Palestine is not in
Latin America, and our comfort level is not the most pressing issue.
Hamas is today an important face of the Palestinian struggle for
liberty, equality and justice. It is the face chosen by the majority
of the Palestinian public in the Occupied Territories in clear
defiance of Western colonialism. With its new power and old habits,
Hamas will have plenty of opportunities to go wrong. However, as long
as it maintains its commitment to democracy and strives to advance
the rights of all Palestinians to full human dignity, Hamas can be a
force for good.

Gabriel Ash is an activist and writer who writes because the pen is
sometimes mightier than the sword and sometimes not. He welcomes
comments at:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]


Other Articles by Gabriel Ash

*  Rev. Jackson -- Pissing on the Graves of Civil Rights Heroes
 * Imagine All the People, Living Like Mindless Lambs
 * Mourning in America
 * Oh!-sama
 * Diagnosing Benny Morris
 *   When at a Loss, Escalate
*  Dear Ayatollah
*  Settlements: A User's Guide
*  A Victory for Israeli Democracy
*  Don't Get Mad, Get Going!
*  Pink Delusions

***

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/28/international/middleeast/28mideast.html?pagewanted=2&th&emc=th
Hamas Aid May Be Cut

By STEVEN ERLANGER
NY Times: January 28, 2006
JERUSALEM, Jan. 27 - Hamas leaders, savoring their landslide victory in
Palestinian elections, faced an array of threats on Friday: a huge
government deficit, a likely cutoff of most aid, international ostracism and
the rage of defeated and armed Fatah militants.

Fatah supporters burned cars at the Palestinian parliament building in Gaza
City Friday during a protest against the election victory of Hamas.

Hamas supporters celebrated the party's victory in the Palestinian election
with a parade through the north Gaza town of Beit Lahiya Friday.
Of the many questions that the Hamas victory presents, the need to pay basic
bills and salaries to Palestinians is perhaps the most pressing. The
Palestinian Authority is functionally bankrupt, with a deficit of $69
million for January alone.

That will be an urgent question when the United States, the European Union,
Russia and the United Nations, known as the quartet, meet in London on
Monday to discuss the Palestinian vote, especially if, as some American
officials fear, Hamas turns to Iran to make up some of the difference.

"They don't have enough to get through the end of the month," a
knowledgeable Western diplomat said. "The United States and the European
Union both consider Hamas a terrorist organization, and we don't provide
money to terrorist organizations or members of terrorist organizations."

In Washington, President Bush said "aid packages won't go forward" for the
Palestinian Authority if Hamas did not renounce violence or its commitment
to destroy Israel.

"That's their decision to make," he said on CBS News. "But we won't be
providing help to a government that wants to destroy our ally and friend."

Meanwhile, in the southern Gaza town of Khan Yunis, Hamas supporters clashed
with Fatah gunmen and the Palestinian security forces in two separate
incidents, leaving six people wounded, according to witnesses and medical
workers. [Page A9.]

In Davos, Switzerland, James D. Wolfensohn, the quartet's envoy to the
Middle East, spoke of the Palestinians' financial problems, saying there was
not enough money to pay the salaries of 135,000 Palestinian civil servants,
including some 58,000 members of the security forces, which he said could
lead to further chaos.

Because Hamas has not yet formed a government, the Palestinian president,
Mahmoud Abbas, has asked American help to persuade the Persian Gulf
countries to provide more aid now, and to ensure that Israel delivers the
$40 million to $50 million owed to the Palestinian Authority from tax and
customs receipts, which Israel collects on behalf of the Palestinians.

Israel has made it clear that it will not deal with a Palestinian Authority
run by Hamas and has said some of those who have won election are wanted for
suspected involvement in anti-Israel violence. Most of them are in
semi-seclusion, and fear arrest if they try to travel to Ramallah, the site
of the Palestinian parliament in the West Bank.

Also in Davos, Joseph Bachar, director general of Israel's Finance Ministry,
raised the question of whether Israel would continue to transfer the tax and
customs receipts to an authority run by Hamas, which does not recognize the
existence of Israel.

The departing Palestinian economy minister, Mazen Sinokrot, said the 135,000
civil servants were the main breadwinners for 30 percent of Palestinian
families. "If these salaries do not come in, this is a message for
violence," he said.

Israeli officials suggested that Ehud Olmert, Israel's acting prime
minister, would agree to release this month's money anyway, since a Hamas
government has not been formed, but questioned whether Israel would agree to
give any money to Hamas in the future. "We don't want to punish the
Palestinian people," an official said. "But we don't have any illusions
about Hamas."

Mahmoud Zahar, a top Hamas official, said in an interview in Gaza that he
was not worried about the lack of money from the West.

"All the money from Europe and American went into the pockets of corrupt
men," Mr. Zahar said, citing Palestinian security chiefs as a leading
example. "The leaders of these services became multimillionaires. We are
going to reform these services. This is our mission."

The current financial crunch has little to do with Hamas. The Palestinian
Authority last summer broke its promises to the World Bank and the donor
countries and significantly raised salaries to public employees, a number
swollen by the effort to absorb armed young men into the security forces.
All its $1 billion in revenues is now taken up by salaries, according to the
World Bank, leaving an expected budget deficit for 2006 of $600 million to
$700 million; only about $320 million of that would have been covered by
foreign contributions from the United States, Europe and Arab countries.

The plan assumed a Fatah victory in the elections and the formation of a
new, more technocratic government. Donor countries and the World Bank were
working on a restructuring program for the Palestinian Authority that would
cover its large financial debt for the next few years in return for serious
reforms and job-creation programs.

But the victory by Hamas has exploded all those assumptions.

Direct payments from the United States are banned by American law, and many
European nations have said they will not continue to aid the Palestinian
Authority until Hamas agrees to recognize Israel and disavow violence, which
Hamas has said it will never do.

American and European officials are also banned from talking to Hamas
officials, elected or otherwise. Once a group is on the American terrorist
list, as Hamas is, it is difficult to get off; it takes more than pledges or
statements, a Western diplomat said.

The development minister for the new German government, Heidemarie
Wieczorek-Zeul, said Friday that German aid to the Palestinians depended on
Hamas's renouncing violence and recognizing Israel.

Chancellor Angela Merkel is scheduled to make a first official visit to the
region next week, and her spokesman, Ulrich Wilhelm, said Friday: "The
recognition of Israel's right to security and to exist remains an
irrevocable cornerstone of German foreign policy." Ms. Merkel will meet Mr.
Abbas but no Hamas official.

Hamas candidates and officials have played down the problem, saying they
will appeal to the Arab and Muslim world, which already gives large amounts
of aid to Hamas and its charitable and educational organizations - some of
which, Israel says, moves seamlessly to finance its military operations.

Hamas already gets aid from Iran, Israeli and American officials say, and it
is possible that Iran may be willing to provide larger sums to the
Palestinian Authority. But Israeli and Western diplomats say Hamas, as a
Palestinian branch of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood, could also be wary of
becoming overly dependent on Shiite Iran.

Former President Jimmy Carter, who led a team of election observers for the
Palestinian voting, said in an interview on Friday that the United States
and Europe should redirect their relief aid to United Nations organizations
and nongovernmental organizations to skirt legal restrictions.

"The donor community can deal with it successfully," Mr. Carter said. "I
would hope the world community can collectively tide the Palestinians over."
He urged support for what he said Mr. Wolfensohn was describing to him as a
$500 million appeal.

"It may well be that Hamas can change," Mr. Carter said, remembering his
presidency, when the Palestine Liberation Organization under Yasir Arafat
finally agreed to recognize the existence of Israel and to forswear
terrorism. "It's a mistake to abandon optimism completely."

He urged Israel and the world: "Don't drive the Palestinians away from
rationality. Don't force them into assuming arms as the only way to achieve
their legitimate goals. Give them some encouragement and the benefit of the
doubt."

But it will be politically difficult to do that. Senator Joseph R. Biden
Jr., Democrat of Delaware, said he had spoken to the Europeans and Mr.
Wolfensohn about the fiscal crunch. "But the fact of the matter is, you
cannot pour millions and hundreds of millions of dollars into a group that,
in fact, calls for the destruction of an ally, or for any country, for that
matter," Mr. Biden said.

The Western diplomat said: "We're discussing a lot of complicated questions.
But even before the election, the Palestinian Authority's fiscal house was
in disarray, with a huge deficit every month."

It will be worse still, he said, if the Israelis stop cash transfers and
there is a halt in direct aid from the West and the World Bank.





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