http://news.yahoo.com/s/huffpost/20060228/cm_huffpost/016497;_ylt=A86.I17tfQRElUIBaxH9wxIF;_ylu=X3oDMTBjMHVqMTQ4BHNlYwN5bnN1YmNhdA--

John Zogby: On a New Poll Of U.S. Soldiers During Their Service in Iraq

John Zogby

Tue Feb 28, 11:03 AM ET

In wars of America's century just past, we have sent our soldiers to far-off
fields of battle and were left to wonder about their opinions of the
life-and-death conflicts in which they were involved.

Letters home, and more recently telephone calls and emails, would give us a
peek into their states of mind. Some who returned would regale friends and
family with tales from the front lines.

Times have now changed. A first-ever survey of U.S. troops on the ground
fighting a war overseas has revealed surprising findings, not the least of
which is that an overwhelming majority of 72% of American troops in Iraq
think the U.S. should exit the country within the next year.

Further, a new Le Moyne College/Zogby International survey shows that more
than one in four (29%) thought the U.S. should pull its troops immediately.

The poll, conducted in conjunction with Le Moyne College's Center for Peace
and Global Studies, also showed that another 22% of the respondents, serving
in various branches of the armed forces, said the U.S. should leave Iraq in
the next six months. One in every five troops - 21% - said troops should be
out between six and 12 months. Nearly a quarter - 23% - said they should
stay "as long as they are needed."

The troops have drawn different conclusions about fellow citizens back home.
Asked why they think some Americans favor rapid U.S. troop withdrawal from
Iraq, 37% of troops serving there said those Americans are unpatriotic,
while 20% believe people back home don't believe a continued occupation will
work. Another 16% said they believe those favoring a quick withdrawal do so
because they oppose the use of the military in a pre-emptive war, while 15%
said they do not believe those Americans understand the need for the U.S.
troops in Iraq.

At 55%, reservists serving in Iraq were most likely to see those back home
as unpatriotic for wanting a rapid withdrawal, while 45% of Marines and 33%
of members of the regular Army agreed.

The wide-ranging poll also shows that 58% of those serving in country say
the U.S. mission in Iraq is clear in their minds, while 42% said it is
either somewhat or very unclear to them, that they have no understanding of
it at all, or are unsure. Nearly nine of every 10 - 85% - said the U.S.
mission is "to retaliate for Saddam's role in the 9-11 attacks," while 77%
said they believe the main or a major reason for the war was "to stop Saddam
from protecting al Qaeda in Iraq."

Ninety-three percent said that removing weapons of mass destruction is not a
reason for U.S. troops being there. Instead, that initial rationale went by
the wayside and, in the minds of 68% of the troops, the real mission became
to remove Saddam Hussein.

Just 24% said that "establishing a democracy that can be a model for the
Arab World" was the main or a major reason for the war. Only small
percentages see the mission there as securing oil supplies (11%) or to
provide long-term bases for US troops in the region (6%).

More than 80% of the troops said they did not hold a negative view of Iraqis
because of continuing insurgent attacks against them. Only about two in five
see the insurgency as being comprised of discontented Sunnis with very few
non-Iraqi helpers.

On this question there appears to be some confusion among the troops, but
two in every three do not agree that if non-Iraqi terrorists could be
prevented from crossing the border into Iraq, the insurgency would end.

To control the insurgency, a majority of respondents (53%) said the U.S.
should double both the number of troops and bombing missions, an option
absolutely no one back in Washington is considering.

Reservists were most enthusiastic about using bombing runs and a doubling of
ground troops to counter the enemy, with 70% agreeing that would work to
control the insurgency. Among regular Army respondents, 48% favored more
troops and bombing, and 47% of Marines agreed. However, 36% of Marines said
they were uncertain that strategy would work, compared to just 9% of regular
Army, 6% of National Guard respondents, and 2% of reservists who said they
were not sure.

Those in Iraq on their first tour of duty were less optimistic that more
troops and bombing runs would work. While 38% of first-timers agreed, 62% of
those on their second tour and 53% in Iraq at least three times favored more
U.S. troops and firepower.

As new photos of prisoner abuse in Iraq surface, a majority of troops
serving there said they oppose harsh interrogation methods. A majority -
55% - said it is not appropriate or standard military conduct to use harsh
and threatening methods on possible insurgent prisoners to information of
military value.

Among all respondents, 26% said they were on their first tour of duty in
Iraq, while 45% said they were on their second tour, and 29% said they were
in Iraq for a third time, or more. Three of every four were male
respondents, with 63% under the age of 30.

The survey included 944 military respondents interviewed at several
undisclosed locations throughout Iraq. The names of the specific locations
and specific personnel who conducted the survey are being withheld for
security purposes. Surveys were conducted face-to-face using random sampling
techniques. The margin of error for the survey, conducted Jan. 18 through
Feb. 14, 2006, is +/- 3.3 percentage points.

In other words, the poll is a sound, solid measurement of what is going
through the minds of our front-line warriors. It's no letter home, but it's
still good to hear from them.


The Middle East & North Africa Email List
MENA Info - [EMAIL PROTECTED]
*To access the MENA Info ARCHIVE, please visit:
http://www.yourmailinglistprovider.com/pubarchive.php?MENAinfo
*To SUBSCRIBE to the MENA Info List, please add your emailaddress here:
http://hometown.aol.com/menainfo/

***

http://select.nytimes.com/2006/02/27/opinion/27krugman.html?th&emc=th

Graduates Versus Oligarchs
By PAUL KRUGMAN
NY Times Op-Ed: February 27, 2006


Ben Bernanke's maiden Congressional testimony as chairman of the Federal
Reserve was, everyone agrees, superb. He didn't put a foot wrong on monetary
or fiscal policy.

But Mr. Bernanke did stumble at one point. Responding to a question from
Representative Barney Frank about income inequality, he declared that "the
most important factor" in rising inequality "is the rising skill premium,
the increased return to education."
That's a fundamental misreading of what's happening to American society.
What we're seeing isn't the rise of a fairly broad class of knowledge
workers. Instead, we're seeing the rise of a narrow oligarchy: income and
wealth are becoming increasingly concentrated in the hands of a small,
privileged elite.

I think of Mr. Bernanke's position, which one hears all the time, as the
80-20 fallacy. It's the notion that the winners in our increasingly unequal
society are a fairly large group - that the 20 percent or so of American
workers who have the skills to take advantage of new technology and
globalization are pulling away from the 80 percent who don't have these
skills.

The truth is quite different. Highly educated workers have done better than
those with less education, but a college degree has hardly been a ticket to
big income gains. The 2006 Economic Report of the President tells us that
the real earnings of college graduates actually fell more than 5 percent
between 2000 and 2004. Over the longer stretch from 1975 to 2004 the average
earnings of college graduates rose, but by less than 1 percent per year.

So who are the winners from rising inequality? It's not the top 20 percent,
or even the top 10 percent. The big gains have gone to a much smaller, much
richer group than that.

A new research paper by Ian Dew-Becker and Robert Gordon of Northwestern
University, "Where Did the Productivity Growth Go?," gives the details.
Between 1972 and 2001 the wage and salary income of Americans at the 90th
percentile of the income distribution rose only 34 percent, or about 1
percent per year. So being in the top 10 percent of the income distribution,
like being a college graduate, wasn't a ticket to big income gains.

But income at the 99th percentile rose 87 percent; income at the 99.9th
percentile rose 181 percent; and income at the 99.99th percentile rose 497
percent. No, that's not a misprint.

Just to give you a sense of who we're talking about: the nonpartisan Tax
Policy Center estimates that this year the 99th percentile will correspond
to an income of $402,306, and the 99.9th percentile to an income of
$1,672,726. The center doesn't give a number for the 99.99th percentile, but
it's probably well over $6 million a year.

Why would someone as smart and well informed as Mr. Bernanke get the nature
of growing inequality wrong? Because the fallacy he fell into tends to
dominate polite discussion about income trends, not because it's true, but
because it's comforting. The notion that it's all about returns to education
suggests that nobody is to blame for rising inequality, that it's just a
case of supply and demand at work. And it also suggests that the way to
mitigate inequality is to improve our educational system - and better
education is a value to which just about every politician in America pays at
least lip service.

The idea that we have a rising oligarchy is much more disturbing. It
suggests that the growth of inequality may have as much to do with power
relations as it does with market forces. Unfortunately, that's the real
story.

Should we be worried about the increasingly oligarchic nature of American
society? Yes, and not just because a rising economic tide has failed to lift
most boats. Both history and modern experience tell us that highly unequal
societies also tend to be highly corrupt. There's an arrow of causation that
runs from diverging income trends to Jack Abramoff and the K Street project.

And I'm with Alan Greenspan, who - surprisingly, given his libertarian
roots - has repeatedly warned that growing inequality poses a threat to
"democratic society."

It may take some time before we muster the political will to counter that
threat. But the first step toward doing something about inequality is to
abandon the 80-20 fallacy. It's time to face up to the fact that rising
inequality is driven by the giant income gains of a tiny elite, not the
modest gains of college graduates.





---------------------------------------------------------------------------
LAAMN: Los Angeles Alternative Media Network
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Unsubscribe: <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Subscribe: <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Digest: <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Help: <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Post: <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Archive1: <http://www.egroups.com/messages/laamn>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Archive2: <http://www.mail-archive.com/[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/laamn/

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 


Reply via email to