I agree, Ed.

And this is not the first time I have found
his material way off base.

Thanks for this and for all of your great missives,

Blase



activism wrote:

> Am I the only one having trouble buying what this guy is selling?
> 
> "Crash" has a flawed analysis of racism? Maybe. It minimizes white racism?
> Could be. But, white supremacist???? That is going overboard rhetorically.
> 
> How do you get from saying that non-whites are sometimes bigoted, to being a
> white supremacist? You may disagree with both positions, or think they're
> wrong, or bad, but the two positions are not identical. A professor of all
> people ought to know that.
> 
> I bet Don Cheadle and the other fine actors in this movie would be surprised 
> to
> find they acted in a white-supremacist movie. I bet Oprah Winfrey would be
> shocked to learn she endorsed white supremacism.
> 
> A white supremacist is a guy in suspenders, boots and Nazi regalia. Or, you
> could stretch a point and say that a white supremacist is someone who redlines
> poor neighborhoods, fights affirmative action, abolishes bilingual education
> and editorializes against Black History Month. Correct me if I'm wrong, but I
> don't think the moviemakers did anything like that.
> 
> I think Jensen is just miffed that they didn't make the movie the way he would
> have liked it made.
> 
> No wonder nobody takes the Left seriously anymore. Thanks a lot, Professor
> Jensen.
> 
> 
>>ZNet Commentary
>>Crash March 24, 2006
>>By Robert Jensen and Robert Wosnitzer
>>
>>"Crash" is a white-supremacist movie.
>>
>>The Oscar-winning best picture -- widely heralded, especially by white
>>liberals, for advancing an honest discussion of race in the United States --
>>is, in fact, a setback in the crucial project of forcing white America to
>>come to terms the reality of race and racism, white supremacy and white
>>privilege.
>>
>>The central theme of the film is simple: Everyone is prejudiced -- black,
>>white, Asian, Iranian and, we assume, anyone from any other racial or ethnic
>>group. We all carry around racial/ethnic baggage that's packed with unfair
>>stereotypes, long-stewing grievances, raw anger, and crazy fears. Even when
>>we think we have made progress, we find ourselves caught in frustratingly
>>complex racial webs from which we can't seem to get untangled.
>>
>>For most people -- including the two of us -- that's painfully true; such
>>untangling is a life's work in which we can make progress but never feel
>>finished. But that can obscure a more fundamental and important point: This
>>state of affairs is the product of the actions of us white people. In the
>>modern world, white elites invented race and racism to protect their power,
>>and white people in general have accepted the privileges they get from the
>>system and helped maintain it. The problem doesn't spring from the
>>individual prejudices that exist in various ways in all groups but from
>>white supremacy, which is expressed not only by individuals but in systemic
>>and institutional ways. There's little hint of such understanding in the
>>film, which makes it especially dangerous in a white-dominant society in
>>which white people are eager to avoid confronting our privilege.
>>
>>So, "Crash" is white supremacist because it minimizes the reality of white
>>supremacy. Its faux humanism and simplistic message of tolerance directs
>>attention away from a white-supremacist system and undermines white
>>accountability for the maintenance of that system. We have no way of knowing
>>whether this is the conscious intention of writer/director Paul Haggis, but
>>it's emerges as the film's dominant message.
>>
>>While viewing "Crash" may make some people, especially white people,
>>uncomfortable during and immediately after viewing, the film seems designed,
>>at a deeper level, to make white people feel better. As the film asks us to
>>confront personal prejudices, it allows us white folk to evade our
>>collective responsibility for white supremacy. In "Crash," emotion trumps
>>analysis, and psychology is more important than politics. The result: White
>>people are off the hook.
>>
>>The first step in putting white people back on the hook is pressing the case
>>that the United States in 2006 is a white-supremacist society. Even with the
>>elimination of formal apartheid and the lessening of the worst of the overt
>>racism of the past, the term is still appropriate, in ideological and
>>material terms.
>>
>>The United States was founded, of course, on an ideology of the inherent
>>superiority of white Europeans over non-whites that was used to justify the
>>holocausts against indigenous people and Africans, which created the nation
>>and propelled the U.S. economy into the industrial world. That ideology also
>>has justified legal and extralegal exploitation of every non-white immigrant
>>group.
>>
>>Today, polite white folks renounce such claims of superiority. But scratch
>>below that surface politeness and the multicultural rhetoric of most white
>>people, and one finds that the assumptions about the superiority of the art,
>>music, culture, politics, and philosophy rooted in white Europe are still
>>very much alive. No poll can document these kinds of covert opinions, but
>>one hears it in the angry and defensive reaction of white America when
>>non-white people dare to point out that whites have unearned privilege.
>>Watch the resistance from white America when any serious attempt is made to
>>modify school or college curricula to reflect knowledge from other areas and
>>peoples. The ideology of white supremacy is all around.
>>
>>That ideology also helps white Americans ignore and/or rationalize the
>>racialized disparities in the distribution of resources. Studies continue to
>>demonstrate how, on average, whites are more likely than members of
>>racial/ethnic minorities to be on top on measures of wealth and well-being.
>>Looking specifically at the gap between white and black America, on some
>>measures black Americans have fallen further behind white Americans during
>>the so-called post-civil rights era. For example, the typical black family
>>had 60 percent as much income as a white family in 1968, but only 58 percent
>>as much in 2002. On those measures where there has been progress, closing
>>the gap between black and white is decades, or centuries, away.
>>
>>What does this white supremacy mean in day-to-day life? One recent study
>>found that in the United States, a black applicant with no criminal record
>>is less likely to receive a callback from a potential employer than a white
>>applicant with a felony conviction. In other words, being black is more of a
>>liability in finding a job than being a convicted criminal. Into this new
>>century, such discrimination has remained constant.
>>
>>That's white supremacy. Many people, of all races, feel and express
>>prejudice, but white supremacy is built into the attitudes, practices and
>>institutions of the dominant white society. It's not the product simply of
>>individual failure but is woven into society, and the material consequences
>>of it are dramatic.
>>
>>It seems that the people who made "Crash" either don't understand that,
>>don't care, or both. The character in the film who comes closest to
>>articulating a systemic analysis of white supremacy is Anthony, the
>>carjacker played by the rapper Ludacris. But putting the critique in the
>>mouth of such a morally unattractive character undermines any argument he
>>makes, and his analysis is presented as pseudo-revolutionary blather to be
>>brushed aside as we follow the filmmakers on the real subject of the film --
>>the psychology of the prejudice that infects us all.
>>
>>That the characters in "Crash" -- white and non-white alike -- are complex
>>and have a variety of flaws is not the problem; we don't want films
>>populated by one-dimensional caricatures, simplistically drawn to make a
>>political point. Those kinds of political films rarely help us understand
>>our personal or political struggles. But this film's characters are drawn in
>>ways that are ultimately reactionary.
>>
>>Although the film follows a number of story lines, its politics are most
>>clearly revealed in the interaction that two black women have with an openly
>>racist white Los Angeles police officer played by Matt Dillon. During a
>>bogus traffic stop, Dillon's Officer Ryan sexually violates Christine, the
>>upper-middle-class black woman played by Thandie Newton. But when fate later
>>puts Ryan at the scene of an accident where Christine's life is in danger,
>>he risks his own life to save her, even when she at first reacts
>>hysterically and rejects his help. The white male is redeemed by his
>>heroism. The black woman, reduced to incoherence by the trauma of the
>>accident, can only be silently grateful for his transcendence.
>>
>>Even more important to the film's message is Ryan's verbal abuse of
>>Shaniqua, a black case manager at an insurance company (played by Loretta
>>Devine). She bears Ryan's racism with dignity as he dumps his frustration
>>with the insurance company's rules about care of his father onto her, in the
>>form of an angry and ignorant rant against affirmative action. She is
>>empathetic with Ryan's struggle but unwilling to accept his abuse, appearing
>>to be one of the few reasonable characters in the film. But not for long.
>>
>>In a key moment at the end of the film, Shaniqua is rear-ended at a traffic
>>light and emerges from her car angry at the Asian driver who has hit her.
>>"Don't talk to me unless you speak American," she shouts at the driver. As
>>the camera pulls back, we are left to imagine the language she uses in
>>venting her prejudice.
>>
>>In stark contrast to Ryan and his racism is his police partner at the
>>beginning of the film, Hanson (played by Ryan Phillippe). Younger and
>>idealistic, Hanson tries to get Ryan to back off from the encounter with
>>Christine and then reports Ryan's racist behavior to his black lieutenant,
>>Dixon (played by Keith David). Dixon doesn't want the hassles of initiating
>>a disciplinary action and Hanson is left to cope on his own, but he
>>continues to try to do the right thing throughout the movie. Though he's the
>>white character most committed to racial justice, at the end of the film
>>Hanson's fear overcomes judgment in a tense moment, and he shoots and kills
>>a black man. It's certainly true that well-intentioned white people can
>>harbor such fears rooted in racist training. But in the world "Crash"
>>creates, Hanson's deeper awareness of the nature of racism and attempts to
>>combat it are irrelevant, while Ryan somehow magically overcomes his racism.
>>
>>Let us be clear: "Crash" is not a racist movie, in the sense of crudely
>>using overtly racist stereotypes. It certainly doesn't present the white
>>characters as uniformly good; most are clueless or corrupt. Two of the
>>non-white characters (a Latino locksmith and an Iranian doctor) are the most
>>virtuous in the film. The characters and plot lines are complex and often
>>intriguing. But "Crash" remains a white-supremacist movie because of what it
>>refuses to bring into the discussion.
>>
>>At this point in our critique, defenders of the film have suggested to us
>>that we expect too much, that movies tend to deal with issues at this
>>personalized level and we can't expect more. This is evasion. For example,
>>whatever one thinks of its politics, another recent film, "Syriana,"
>>presents a complex institutional analysis of U.S. foreign policy in an
>>engaging fashion. It's possible to produce a film that is politically
>>sophisticated and commercially viable. Haggis is clearly talented, and
>>there's no reason to think he couldn't have deepened the analysis in
>>creative ways.
>>
>>"Crash" fans also have offered this defense to us: In a culture that seems
>>terrified of any open discussion of race, isn't some attempt at an honest
>>treatment of the complexity of the issue better than nothing? That's a
>>classic argument from false alternatives. Are we stuck with a choice between
>>silence or bad analysis? Beyond that, in this case the answer may well be
>>no. If "Crash" and similar efforts that personalize and psychologize the
>>issue of race keep white America from an honest engagement with the
>>structure and consequences of white supremacy, the ultimate effect may be
>>reactionary. In that case, "nothing" may be better.
>>
>>The problem of "Crash" can be summed up through one phrase from the studio's
>>promotional material, which asserts that the film "boldly reminds us of the
>>importance of tolerance."
>>
>>That's exactly the problem. On the surface, the film appears to be bold,
>>speaking of race with the kind of raw emotion that is rare in this culture.
>>But that emotion turns out, in the end, to be manipulative and diversionary.
>>The problem is that the film can't move beyond the concept of tolerance, and
>>tolerance is not the solution to America's race problem. White people can --
>>and often do -- learn to tolerate difference without ever disturbing the
>>systemic, institutional nature of racism.
>>
>>The core problem is not intolerance but white supremacy -- and the way in
>>which, day in and day out, white people accept white supremacy and the
>>unearned privileges it brings.
>>
>>"Crash" paints a multi-colored picture of race, and in a multi-racial
>>society recognizing that diversity is important. Let's just not forget that
>>the color of racism is white.
>>
>>Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin
>>and the author of The Heart of Whiteness: Confronting Race, Racism and White
>>Privilege. He can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED] Robert Wosnitzer
>>is associate producer of the forthcoming documentary on pornography "The
>>Price of Pleasure." He can be reached at [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>>
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
> 
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-- 
Blase Bonpane, Ph.D.
Office of the Americas                    http://officeoftheamericas.org
8124 West Third Street   Suite 202                      FAX 323/852-0655
Los Angeles, California      90048                      Tel 323/852-9808
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