http://select.nytimes.com/2006/05/19/opinion/19krugman.html?th&emc=th

Coming Down to Earth
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Published: May 19, 2006

Um, wasn't the stock market supposed to bounce back after Wednesday's big
drop?

We shouldn't read too much into a couple of days' movements in stock prices.
But it seems that investors are suddenly feeling uneasy about the state of
the economy. They should be; the puzzle is why they haven't been uneasy all
along.

The rise in stock prices that began last fall was essentially based on the
belief that the U.S. economy can defy gravity - that both individuals and
the nation as a whole can spend more than their income, not on a temporary
basis, but more or less indefinitely.

To be fair, for a while the data seemed to confirm that belief. In 2005, the
trade deficit passed $700 billion, yet the dollar actually rose against the
euro and the yen. Housing prices soared, yet houses kept selling. The price
of gasoline neared $3 a gallon, yet consumers kept buying both gas and other
items, even though they had to borrow to keep spending (the personal savings
rate went negative for the first time since the 1930's).

Over the last few weeks, however, gravity seems to have started reasserting
itself.

The dollar began falling about a month ago. So far it's down less than 10
percent against the euro and the yen, but there's a definite sense that
foreign governments, in particular, are becoming less willing to keep the
dollar strong by buying lots of U.S. debt.

The housing market seems to be weakening rapidly. As late as last October,
the National Association of Home Builders/Wells Fargo housing market index,
a measure of builders' confidence, was still close to the high point it
reached last summer. But on Monday the association announced that the index
had fallen to its lowest level since 1995.

Finally, there are preliminary indications that consumers, hard-pressed by
high gasoline prices, may be reaching their limit.

The National Retail Federation, reporting on a new survey, warns that "while
consumers have seemed resilient in the face of higher energy costs, a
tipping point may soon be in sight."

I can't resist pointing out that the Bush administration's response to the
squeeze on working families has been, you guessed it, to accuse the news
media of biased reporting.

On May 10 the White House issued a press release titled "Setting the Record
Straight: The New York Times Continues to Ignore America's Economic
Progress." The release attacked The Times for asserting that paychecks
weren't keeping up with fixed costs like medical care and gasoline. The
White House declared, "But average hourly earnings have risen 3.8 percent
over the past 12 months, their largest increase in nearly five years."

On Wednesday Treasury Secretary John Snow repeated that boast before a House
committee. However, Representative Barney Frank was ready. He asked whether
the number was adjusted for inflation; after flailing about, Mr. Snow
admitted, sheepishly, that it wasn't. In fact, nearly all of the wage
increase was negated by higher prices.

Meanwhile, the return of economic gravity poses a definite threat to U.S.
economic growth. After all, growth over the past three years was driven
mainly by a housing boom and rapid growth in consumer spending. People were
able to buy houses, even though housing prices rose much faster than
incomes, because foreign purchases of U.S. debt kept interest rates low.
People were able to keep spending, even though wages didn't keep up with
inflation, because mortgage refinancing let them turn the rising value of
their houses into ready cash.

As I summarized it awhile back, we became a nation in which people make a
living by selling one another houses, and they pay for the houses with money
borrowed from China.

Now that game seems to be coming to an end. We're going to have to find
other ways to make a living - in particular, we're going to have to start
selling goods and services, not just I.O.U.'s, to the rest of the world,
and/or replace imports with domestic production. And adjusting to that new
way of making a living will take time.

Will we have that time? Ben Bernanke, the chairman of the Federal Reserve,
contends that what's happening in the housing market is "a very orderly and
moderate kind of cooling." Maybe he's right. But if he isn't, the stock
market drop of the last two days will be remembered as the start of a
serious economic slowdown.

***

Alternet - May 17, 2006
http://www.alternet.org/story/36330/

Howard Zinn on Fixing What's Wrong

By Shelly R. Fredman, Tikkun

When I arrived at Boston University in 1978, it was like showing up at a
party after all the guests had gone home. The Civil Rights movement and the
Vietnam War protests were over, and everyone around me was studying business
and honing their resumes. The Sixties had died. All the activists were gone.

Except for Howard Zinn. You could sign up for Zinn's classes, "Marxism" and
"Anarchism," and there, every Tuesday and Thursday, you could hear the
stories no one else would tell you: Columbus's arrival on these shores from
the Arawak Indian's point of view, Emma Goldman's message to the unemployed
in Union Square, black students in Greensboro, NC, who one day sat down at
the Woolworth's counter where only whites could eat.

Now, some twenty years later, in the wake of Katrina, mired in Bush's
reckless reign and the ever-escalating death toll in Iraq, it seemed a good
time to revisit Zinn.

Best known for A People's History of the United States, Howard Zinn has been
a professor, radical historian, social activist, and intellectual leader of
the Left for forty years. In over twenty books, he has devoted himself to
connecting America's past with its present, providing a frame for left-wing
activism and politics. Praised by academics and lay readers alike, Zinn
feels more at home on the streets than in the ivory tower.

Zinn's message of hope is unflinching, and he is busier than ever. He has
written a play, "Marx in Soho," is producing a People's History of the
United States television series, and his new book, Original Zinn, will be
released in July.

He seems to have stashed De Leon's fountain of youth in his back pocket.
Though we are seated at a small table drinking coffee, occasionally he still
moves his large hands through the air, as he did in class, underscoring the
urgency of his words. And at the end of his most radical sentences, a wry
smile lights up his eyes, as if he's imagining the glorious trouble we the
people can, and will, make.

Shelly R. Fredman: I'd like to start by asking you about Michael Lerner's
new book, The Left Hand of God. In it, Lerner says that, post 9/11, a
paradigm of fear has gripped our culture and been used to manipulate the
public into supporting politicians who are more militaristic. How would you
characterize the post-9/11 world?

Howard Zinn: Michael Lerner is certainly right about how fear has been used
since 9/11 to push the public into support of war. "Terrorism" is used the
way "communism" was used all through the Cold War, the result being the
deaths of millions and a nuclear arms race which wasted trillions of dollars
that could have been used to create a truly good society for all.

SF: Lerner also claims that the parts of our cultural heritage that embody
elements of hope are dismissed as naïve, with little to teach us. You must
have had your own bouts with critics who see your vision as naïve. How do
you address them?

HZ: It's true that any talk of hope is dismissed as naïve, but that's
because we tend to look at the surface of things at any given time. And the
surface almost always looks grim. The charge of naïvete also comes from a
loss of historical perspective. History shows that what is considered naïve
in one decade becomes reality in another.

How much hope was there for black people in the South in the fifties? At the
start of the Vietnam War, anyone who thought the monster war machine could
be stopped seemed naïve. When I was in South Africa in 1982, and apartheid
was fully entrenched, it seemed naïve to think that it would be dissolved
and even more naïve to think that Mandela would become president. But in all
those cases, anyone looking under the surface would have seen currents of
potential change bubbling and growing.

SF: Has the Left responded adequately to the kind of fascism we see coming
from Bush's people? Street protests seem to be ineffective; it's sometimes
disheartening.

HZ: The responses are never adequate, until they build and build and
something changes. People very often think that there must be some magical
tactic, beyond the traditional ones -- protests, demonstrations, vigils,
civil disobedience -- but there is no magical panacea, only persistence in
continuing and escalating the usual tactics of protest and resistance. The
end of the Vietnam War did not come because the Left suddenly did something
new and dramatic, but because all of the actions built up over time.

If you listen to the media, you get no sense of what's happening. I speak to
groups of people in different parts of the country. I was in Austin, Texas
recently and a thousand people showed up. I believe people are basically
decent, they just lack information..

SF: You have been outspoken against the war in Iraq. Despite all the chaos
we've heard may ensue, do you still believe we should get out of Iraq now?

HZ: Yes, we should immediately withdraw. There will be chaos . it is
actually there already, and much of the chaos and violence has come about
because of our involvement. But that doesn't change the fact that our
occupation of Iraq is wrong.

What's more troubling [than a military mistake] is that this is an
administration that is impervious to pressure. If you listen to LBJ's tapes,
where he discusses the escalation of the war in Vietnam, you can hear that
he is torn..

Still, the good news is that more and more of us are becoming aware of
Bush's true nature. Less than fifty percent of Americans are for the war,
and forty percent are calling for [Bush's] impeachment.

SF: Where do you see the Democrats in all this? What of their role, their
responsibility?

HZ: The Democratic Party is pitiful. Not only are they not articulating a
spiritual message, as Lerner says, they don't even have a political message.
The Democrats are tied to corporate wealth. And they are incompetent when it
comes to understanding how to win elections. By the time Kerry ran, the
public had actually shifted. Fifty percent were against the war. The
Democrats should have been saying they would end the war, and make those
dollars available for healthcare.

SF: What about the upcoming crop of presidential candidates -- Hillary
Clinton, for instance?

HZ: Hillary Clinton is so opportunistic. She goes where the wind is blowing.
She doesn't say what needs to be said. And Barack Obama is cautious. He's
better than Clinton, but I'd suggest Marian Wright Edelman as the Democratic
candidate for president. She's the epitome of what we need. A very smart
black woman who deals with children, poverty.. She's in the trenches, and
she ties it in with militarization. But she doesn't come out of government.

That's another problem -- the Democratic Party is a closed circle. It may
take a threatening third party to shake things up.

SF: Many people believe that history is a pendulum, and that we are overdue
for a swing to the Left. Lerner, for instance, views American history as an
oscillation between the voices of hope and the voices of fear -- the fear
after the stock market crash in 1929, the hope of the New Deal, the fears of
McCarthyism, the hope of the Civil Rights movement and social change
movements in the sixties. Is this a compelling view of history?

HZ: Without making it chronological, like a roller coaster, with predictable
ups and downs, it's certainly true that in any period there are voices that
demand maintenance of the status quo, and other voices demanding change. In
other words, it isn't so much a period of hope, then a period of fear, etc.
But in every period there are both tendencies, with one or another dominant
and the dominant characteristic often leads to a simplified picture of an
era.

My differences with Lerner, though, reside in the proportion of attention he
pays to spiritual values. These are important, but they're not the critical
issue. The issue is how are people living and dying. People are dying in
Iraq and our wealth is being squandered on war and the military budget.

SF: Don't you believe the Left needs to address spiritual needs to win? How
else can we galvanize the heartland, people taken in by the religious
rhetoric of Bush?

HZ: Yes, there are special needs and they need to be addressed. But after
the last election there was a kind of hysteria among liberal pundits about a
"failure" to deal with the moral issues. There is a hard core for whom
religion is key. They are maybe twenty-five percent of the population. It's
a mistake to try to appeal to that hard core.

I define the spiritual in emotional terms -- to the extent that religion can
draw on the Ten Commandments (for example, thou shalt not kill), it is
important. And I find the spiritual in the arts, because they nourish the
spirit and move people. Artists like Bob Dylan and Joan Baez, for example,
and now Eddie Vedder of Pearl Jam. We need more of these.

It's not that people are turned off by the Left. The Left hasn't reached out
to people with a clear, coherent, and emotional message. The Left often does
not know how to talk to other people. Tikkun magazine appeals to
intellectuals. I've never spoken the language of ivory tower academics. And
there are other voices on the Left that speak in understandable language.
For instance, Barbara Ehrenreich's Nickel and Dimed, in which she took
menial jobs across the country and wrote about those lives, was a
bestseller. There's an emotionalism to her message that makes contact and
touches thousands. Michael Moore's movies have been seen by all sorts of
people. GI's in Iraq watched his movie. We just have to do more along those
lines.

SF: Many on the Left seem to identify religion with the fundamentalist
versions of it we see in the worst moments of human history. Do you see
value in religious ideas and traditions? If I can get personal: do you
identify at all as a Jew, with the Jewish story? Is there anything in it
that's meaningful to you? Are there any thoughts of the world beyond this
one -- where, for example, you can sit with Marx in Soho and eat Deli Haus
blintzes together?

HZ: If I was promised that we could sit with Marx in some great Deli Haus in
the hereafter, I might believe in it! Sure, I find inspiration in Jewish
stories of hope, also in the Christian pacifism of the Berrigans, also in
Taoism and Buddhism. I identify as a Jew, but not on religious grounds. Yes,
I believe, as Pascal said, "The heart has its reasons which reason cannot
know." There are limits to reason. There is mystery, there is passion, there
is something spiritual in the arts -- but it is not connected to Judaism or
any other religion.

For those who find a special inspiration in Judaism or Christianity or
Buddhism or whatever, fine. If that inspiration leads them to work for
justice, that is what matters.

Shelly R. Fredman's work has appeared in Best Jewish Writing, First Harvest,
the Chicago Tribune Magazine, and the Forward.

© 2006 Independent Media Institute.

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