Beirut, August 14: A Bittersweet Day                  Tuesday, 15 August 
2006       By Walden Bello* 
   
  BEIRUT - The bittersweet mood in Beirut on this day when the ceasefire took 
effect was perhaps best expressed by Rahul, a taxi driver, who tells me, “We 
won, but at what cost?  So many people displaced, so many dead, so many 
buildings destroyed.” 
  

  The final toll of this war is still being counted but it is likely that the 
death count will go above 1400 and the economic damage will reach $6 billion. 
  

  As soon as the cessation of hostilities came into effect at 8 am, cars and 
vans and trucks started to roll down to the South as people who took refuge in 
the Beirut and other parts of the country went back to their homes.  “They’ll 
most likely find their houses gone, but their lands will still be there and 
there’s really no place like home,” says Anwar El Khalil, an MP representing 
the area of Marieyoun, the site of the strafing of a civilian convoy by Israeli 
planes last week, who himself is eager to return home.  With a full third of 
the country’s inhabitants having been displaced from their homes, a massive 
civilian movement is expected to bring traffic along the country’s main 
highways to a crawl in the next few days. 
  

  The Losers 
  

  There is no doubt about who the loser is in this war.  Everyone we talk to in 
this day of national pride agrees with the editorial in the Daily Star, 
Lebanon’s liberal English language paper, that states that “The Israeli 
government has been discredited and serious wrinkles in the US-Israeli 
relationship have been exposed. The Israelis now have to contend with a 
political arena that is in disarray.” With even members of the government of 
Prime Minister Ehud Ohlmert saying Israel has lost the war, the Jewish state is 
indeed plunged into its worst political crisis in years.  Perhaps the 
prevailing mood in the Israeli establishment is reflected in Haaretz 
commentator Zeev Schiff’s call for a “reconsideration of the military and 
strategic management after the facts have proved that the army is no longer 
capable of adapting to the kind of warfare imposed by Hezbollah.” 
  

  Nor is there doubt about who the other loser is.  For many Lebanese 
politicians and analysts, there is a strong conviction that this war was 
planned by Washington way before the Hezbollah captured two Israeli soldiers in 
a cross-border raid in early July.  During our brief visit with him, Lebanese 
President Emile Lahoud tells our peace delegation, “We know that the Israeli 
offensive was planned way in advance, with the support of external forces.”   
MP El Khalil is not shy about identifying the US as the real author of this 
war, and he points to a recent article in the New Yorker by Seymour Hersh that 
claims that US neoconservatives had a grand plan for restructuring the Middle 
East via Israeli military force as early as 1996. 
  

  Destruction of the Hezbollah was perhaps even more vital for the United 
States than Israel, claims Henri Barkey, chairman of Lehigh University’s 
International Relations Department and a former member of the US State 
Department’s Policy Planning Staff.  In a recent article, Barkey claims that 
while Israel can live with a Hezbollah driven north of the Litani River, the US 
would not.  The key reason has to do with the “Hizbullah model.” According to 
Barkey, “it represents the nightmarish metamorphosis of a well supplied and 
trained militia. If it can work in Lebanon, the model can be emulated elsewhere 
around the world…Hizbullah is far more sophisticated and entrenched than Al 
Qaeda.  It is impossible to defeat it without inflicting civilian casualties. 
Therein lies Hizbullah’s strength: it calculates that the outside world will 
relent in the face of civilian casualties.”  In this view, the triumph of the 
Hezbollah over Israel is the worst of all possible worlds.   
  

  The Victor 
  

  For the Lebanese, the view is very different.  In the thirty day war, most of 
the country’s political groups and most of the country have come together in 
supporting the struggle against Israeli aggression led by the Shiite Muslim-led 
organization. First among these is the country’s Maronite Christian President 
Emile Lahoud, who is not shy about praising “the leadership of Hezbollah in the 
national resistance.”  Everybody acknowledges that Hezbollah’s sterling 
military performance is the source of what the Daily Star calls the 
“unprecedented level of solidarity” of Lebanese society today.  Domestic 
critics who, at the start of the war, accused Hezbollah of dragging Lebanon 
into war by capturing two Israeli soldiers for prisoner-exchange purposes are 
quiet in these heady days of national pride. 
  

  If anything has been put to rest by the events of the last 30 days, it is the 
lie that the Hezbollah is a terrorist organization. Deliberate Israeli 
targeting of civilian targets while Hezbollah fighters focused on fighting 
Israeli soldiers has put the shoe on the other foot.  Indeed, there is now a 
massive clamor among international civil society groups to try the Israeli 
political leaders and the army for war crimes and state-sponsored terror. 
  

  It has not only been Hezbollah’s military prowess that has been on display 
but also its tremendous capacity to provide welfare services, in this instance 
for the country’s displaced population. Indeed, in a country whose social 
services, especially for the poor, are very backward, Hezbollah’s social 
infrastructure is a model of efficient modernity.  It runs, for instance, 46 
medical centers and a hospital.  Its Jihad for Construction, which supervised 
the material and social infrastructure of South Lebanon in the 1990’s, is now 
poised to manage an even more massive post-war reconstruction. 
  

  Also on display on both the local scene and the international stage have been 
the talented intellectuals and spokespersons of the Hezbollah, among who is Dr. 
Ali Fayyad, the head of the organization’s Consultative Center for Studies and 
Documentation (CCSD), which has produced more than 300 reports on social, 
economic, political, and administrative issues. 
  

  An urbane intellectual, Dr. Ali explains to us that there were three main 
reasons for Hezbollah’s victory.  One was the employment of rockets to 
neutralize Israeli airpower and give Hezbollah an offensive air capability 
without airplanes.  The second was the Hezbollah’s use of guerrilla warfare, 
which stymied an Israeli Army used to fighting conventional Arab armies.  Third 
was the Hezbollah fighter who is “not only a guerrilla trained in self reliance 
but is also filled with ideological conviction that he is on the right track.” 
  

  Switching to another topic, Fayyad says that while Hezbollah’s policies are 
“of course, determined principally by internal Lebanese considerations, we also 
consider the Palestinian struggle and international solidarity.” It is this 
Arabic and internationalist perspective that has given Hezbollah a great deal 
of resonance throughout not only the Arab world but in other parts of the 
globe.  Hezbollah leaders speak with admiration of Venezuelan President Hugo 
Chavez, and the admiration is said to be mutual.  
  

  Fayyad, a member of the Political Bureau, became one of the public faces of 
Hezbollah during the thirty day war, forcing him to switch cars and lodgings 
almost every night since it was assumed that he was a prime Israeli target. 
  

  Beirut in the evening of August 14 is a city filled with sorrow and pride, 
with the latter clearly dominant.   Throughout the city, there are motorcades 
celebrating Hezbollah and its General Secretary Hassan Nasrallah.  Everyone 
tunes in when Nasrallah comes on television at nine o’clock to announce what he 
considers a “tremendous strategic victory for Lebanon” and announces 
Hezbollah’s preparedness to withdraw its fighters behind the Litani River. 
  

  As he speaks, a high official of the Lebanese Communist Party, perhaps the 
epitome of secular politics in Lebanon, says of the man who is the face of 
Islamic politics, “There is our Arab Che Guevara…with a turban.”” 
  

  

  *Walden Bello is professor of sociology at the University of the Philippines 
and executive director of the research and advocacy institute Focus on the 
Global South based in Bangkok.  He is one of the members of the International 
Civil Society and Parliamentary Peace Mission to Lebanon. 
  

http://www.focusweb.org/content/view/1028/93/
                                
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