http://informationclearinghouse.info/article15207.htm

'Once upon a time the House of Representatives was known as "the people's
house." No more. It belongs to K Street now. That's the address of the
lobbyists who swarm all over Capitol Hill. There are 65 lobbyists for every
member of Congress. They spend $200 million per month wining, dining and
seducing federal officials. Per month!'

Lincoln Weeps

By Bill Moyers

10/03/06 "Tom Paine" -- -- Bill Moyers is a veteran television journalist
for PBS and the president of the Schumann Center for Media and Democracy.
"Capitol Crimes," the first episode of Bill Moyers' latest series of
documentary specials, airs Wednesday, TONIGHT on PBS. (Check local
listings.)

Back in 1954, when I was a summer employee on Capitol Hill, I made my first
visit to the Lincoln Memorial. I have returned many times since, most
recently while I was in Washington filming for a documentary about how Tom
DeLay, Jack Abramoff, Ralph Reed and Grover Norquist, among others, turned
the conservative revolution into a racket-the biggest political scandal
since Watergate.

If democracy can be said to have temples, the Lincoln Memorial is our most
sacred. You stand there silently contemplating the words that gave voice to
Lincoln's fierce determination to save the union-his resolve that
"government of, by, and for the people shall not perish from the earth." On
this latest visit, I was overcome by a sense of melancholy. Lincoln looks
out now on a city where those words are daily mocked. This is no longer his
city. And those people from all walks of life making their way up the steps
to pay their respect to the martyred president-it's not their city, either.
Or their government. This is an occupied city, a company town, and
government is a subservient subsidiary of richly endowed patrons.

Once upon a time the House of Representatives was known as "the people's
house." No more. It belongs to K Street now. That's the address of the
lobbyists who swarm all over Capitol Hill. There are 65 lobbyists for every
member of Congress. They spend $200 million per month wining, dining and
seducing federal officials. Per month!

Of course they're just doing their job. It's impossible to commit bribery,
legal or otherwise, unless someone's on the take, and with campaign costs
soaring, our politicians always have their hands out. One representative
confessed that members of Congress are the only people in the world expected
to take large amounts of money from strangers and then act as if it has no
effect on their behavior. This explains why Democrats are having a hard time
exploiting the culture of corruption embodied in the scandalous behavior of
DeLay and Abramoff. Democrats are themselves up to their necks in the
sludge. Just the other day one of the most powerful Democrats in the House
bragged to reporters about tapping "uncharted donor fields in the financial
industry"-reminding them, not so subtlely, of the possibility that after
November the majority leader just might be a Democrat.

When it comes to selling influence, both parties have defined deviancy up,
and Tony Soprano himself couldn't get away with some of the things that pass
for business as usual in Washington. We have now learned that Jack Abramoff
had almost 500 contacts with the Bush White House over the three years
before his fall, and that Karl Rove and other presidential staff were
treated to his favors and often intervened on his behalf. So brazen a pirate
would have been forced to walk the plank long ago if Washington had not
thrown its moral compass overboard.

Alas, despite all these disclosures, nothing is happening to clean up the
place. Just as the Republicans in charge of the House kept secret those
dirty emails sent to young pages by Rep. Mark Foley-a cover-up aimed at
getting them past the election and holding his seat for the party-they are
now trying to sweep the DeLay-Abramoff-Reed-and-Norquist scandals under the
rug until after Nov. 7, hoping the public at large doesn't notice that the
House is being run by Tom DeLay's team, minus DeLay. All the talk about
reform is placebo.

The only way to counter the power of organized money is with organized and
outraged people. Believe me, what members of Congress fear most is a
grassroots movement that demands clean elections and an end to the buying
and selling of influence-or else! If we leave it to the powers that be to
clean up the mess that greed and chicanery have given us, we will wake up
one day with a real Frankenstein of a system-a monster worse than the one
created by Abramoff, DeLay and their cronies. By then it will be too late to
save Lincoln's hope for "government of, by, and for the people."

***

From: The Progressive Review <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

SAD STORIES FROM AMERICA'S PAST

MARJORIE COHN, PORTSIDE -

In 1798, the Federalist-led Congress, capitalizing on the fear of war,
passed the four Alien and Sedition Acts to stifle dissent
against the Federalist Party's political agenda.

The Naturalization Act extended the time necessary for immigrants
to reside in the U.S. because most immigrants sympathized with the
Republicans.

The Alien Enemies Act provided for the arrest, detention and deportation
of male citizens of any foreign nation at war with the United States.

Many of the 25,000 French citizens living in the U.S.
could have been expelled had France and America gone to war,
but this law was never used.

The Alien Friends Act authorized the deportation of any non-citizen
suspected of endangering the security of the U.S. government;
the law lasted only two years and no one was deported under it.

The Sedition Act provided criminal penalties for any person who wrote,
printed, published, or spoke anything "false, scandalous and malicious"
with the intent to hold the government in "contempt or disrepute."

The Federalists argued it was necessary to suppress criticism of the
government in time of war.

The Republicans objected that the Sedition Act violated the First
Amendment, which had become part of the Constitution seven years
earlier.

Employed exclusively against Republicans, the Sedition Act
was used to target congressmen and newspaper editors
who criticized President John Adams.

Subsequent examples of laws passed and actions taken as a result
of fear-mongering during periods of xenophobia are the Espionage
Act of 1917, the Sedition Act of 1918, the Red Scare following WW I,
the forcible internment of people of Japanese descent during WW II,
and the Alien Registration Act of 1940 (the Smith Act).

During the McCarthy period of the 1950s, in an effort to eradicate the
perceived threat of communism, the government engaged in widespread
illegal surveillance to threaten and silence anyone who had an unorthodox
political viewpoint.

Many people were jailed, blacklisted and lost their jobs.
Thousands of lives were shattered as the FBI engaged in "red-baiting."

One month after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, US Attorney
Gen. John Ashcroft rushed the U.S.A. Patriot Act through a timid Congress.

The Patriot Act created a crime of domestic terrorism aimed at political
activists who protest government policies, and set forth an ideological test
for entry into the United States.

In 1944, the Supreme Court upheld the legality of the internment
of Japanese and Japanese-American citizens in Korematsu v. United
States.  Justice Robert Jackson warned in his dissent that the ruling
would "lie about like a loaded weapon ready for the hand of any authority
that can bring forward a plausible claim of an urgent need."

That day has come with the Military Commissions Act of 2006.
It provides the basis for the President to round- up both aliens and U.S.
citizens he determines have given material support to terrorists.

Kellogg Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Cheney's Halliburton,
is constructing a huge facility at an undisclosed location
to hold tens of thousands  of undesirables.

In his 1928 dissent in Olmstead v. United States, Justice Louis Brandeis
cautioned, "The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment
by men of zeal, well meaning but without understanding."

Seventy- three years later, former White House spokesman Ari Fleischer,
speaking for a zealous President, warned Americans
"they need to watch what they say,  watch what they do."

***

http://www.nytimes.com/2006/10/04/opinion/04wed1.html?_r=1&th&emc=th&oref=slogin

Woulda. Coulda. Shoulda?

NY Times Lead Editorial: October 4, 2006
The more the House Republican leaders try to defend themselves on the
Congressional page scandal, the worse it looks. They still do not seem to
appreciate how serious this is, especially for a party that poses as the
arbiter of morality. And they appear to be trying harder to deflect blame
from themselves than to get to the bottom of what actually happened. The
F.B.I. has begun investigating, but that will be a prolonged process, and
the voters have to render a verdict in five weeks. There is evidence
emerging that they should consider.

Dennis Hastert, the House speaker, is responsible for the page program, and
for seeing that the recent improprieties are properly investigated. His
performance has been disturbing. As late as Monday, he was still minimizing
the scandal. He said he understood that the improper contacts between pages
and Mark Foley, the Florida Republican who resigned last week, occurred
after the pages left the program. "This was after the fact," Mr. Hastert
said, "and you know - would have, could have, should have."

First, it's not at all clear that events transpired after the pages left the
program. And, in any case, why is that relevant? Surely preying on ordinary
young Americans is just as vile as preying on pages.

Mr. Hastert hardly sounds like an effective leader who intends to
investigate the allegations thoroughly, particularly now that the focus is
shifting from Mr. Foley's conduct to whether House leaders covered it up.
His remarks struck the same dismissive tone as the White House spokesman
Tony Snow's references to "naughty e-mails."

It is disturbingly difficult to straighten out the basics of who said and
did what when. John Boehner, the majority leader, was saying late last week
that he did not recall informing Mr. Hastert that there was a problem with
Mr. Foley. Now he is insisting he did and trying to dump the mess in the
speaker's lap. Thomas Reynolds, the New York Republican who heads the
National Republican Congressional Committee, insists he told Mr. Hastert
this spring of his concerns about Mr. Foley. But Mr. Hastert says he does
not recall being told.

There are more unanswered questions. When John Shimkus, the Illinois
Republican who is chairman of the House Page Board, learned of the Foley
problem, he informed the House clerk, but not the Democrat on the committee,
or anyone in the Democratic leadership. It is unclear why he withheld the
information. The pages' well-being should have been his primary concern, not
partisan politics.

Mr. Reynolds, who was one of the few members of Congress to know about the
Foley problem early on, insists he did all he had to when he "took it to my
supervisor," Mr. Hastert. But Mr. Reynolds is a key member of the House
leadership, and his constituents need to know whether he knew enough to have
done more than he did. We'd also like to know why, in the months when Mr.
Reynolds was one of the few people to know of Mr. Foley's misconduct, Mr.
Foley contributed $100,000 to Mr. Reynolds's Congressional campaign
committee.

Every one of these political leaders is up for re-election next month.
Voters should go into the booth with full information about how they all
handled this challenge to their leadership.






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