Hi.  Modem problems, 8 hours worth, make this a single message
day with a bit more material than I intended.  All good stuff, though.
Ed

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Today's commentary:
http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2006-11/01street.cfm

==================================

ZNet Commentary
The White Crowd in the Black City: Race, Place, and World Series Detroit
November 01, 2006
By Paul  Street

STATE-OF-MIND V. STATE-OF-BEING

Post-Civil Rights America is a racist society convinced that it is no such
thing. It cites the popularity of Oprah Winfrey, Tiger Woods, and Barack
Obama (among other officially "good" and therefore successful blacks) as
evidence that it is no longer prejudiced while it consigns millions of
blacks to the segregated undersides of an ever more savagely unequal nation.

It hails Oprah?s millions while it sentences a million black children to
life at less than half the nation?s notoriously inadequate poverty level.
It hails Obama?s qualifications while it pushes median black net worth falls
to less than 8 cents on the white wealth dollar. It cheers highly paid black
athletes while it sends more black males to prison than to college and
brands 1 in 3 black male adults with the lifelong mark of a felony record.

It splices clips from Martin Luther King?s "I Have a Dream" speech into
pickup truck commercials proclaiming "this is our country" while it
concentrates vast swaths of black America in apartheid communities where
many households can?t afford a car. Its white majority tells pollsters of
its willingness to live in racially integrated communities but regularly
flees neighborhoods that become more than marginally black. It ridicules and
occasionally unseats white public officials and personalities who make
racially bigoted statements while it strips away elementary legal and policy
mechanisms required to meaningfully enforce civil rights goals.

 There?s a big contradiction between the United States? superficially
non-racist state-of-mind and its deeply racist state of societal and
institutional being (See Street, 2002 and Street, 2005)

        "THE NEGRO CITY RINGED BY WHITE SUBURBS"

 Take, as one small but telling example, the first game of the 2006 World
Series, pitting the Detroit Tigers against the St. Louis Cardinals.  The
Fall Classic opened in deindustrialized Detroit, which happens to be 85
percent black (American Community Survey [hereafter "ACS"], 2005) and the
nation?s poorest large city.  More than a third of Detroit?s residents live
below the poverty level, a reflection in part of its spectacularly high
joblessness (Bello, 2005).

 A living embodiment of King?s nightmare of "Negro cities ringed by white
suburbs" (King, 1967-B), Detroit accounts for just 22 percent of the
"Detroit Urbanized Area?s" total population (3.8 million) but 70 percent of
that metropolitan region?s nearly 1 million blacks. It possesses numerous
census tracts and blocks in Detroit where more than half the children live
at less than half the poverty level (ACS, 2005). By contrast, the city?s
predominantly white suburbs Grosse Pointe and Bloomfield Hills are filled
with impressive mansions and rank among the most affluent communities in the
nation.

 Middle and working-class whites have been fleeing the poverty and misery of
an ever-more black Detroit for more than three decades (Hodgson, 2004). When
the Tigers (led by Denny McClain, Mickey Lolich and Al Kaline faced off
against the Cardinals (led by Bob Gibson, Lou Brock and Orland Cepeda) in
the 1968 World Series, the city was 56 percent white and home to more than
838,000 Caucasians. The white population of Detroit is currently below
93,000 (ACS, 2005) and the Detroit metropolitan area is now the most
racially segregated urban region in the United States. It has a black-white
"dissimilarity score" of 85, meaning that 85 of every 100 Detroit-area
blacks would have to move in order to live in census tracts whose racial
distribution matched that of the total metropolitan region (Mumford Center,
2002).

 THE WHITE CROWD IN THE BLACK CITY

 Prior to the opening game last Saturday, FOX Sports broadcast a soulful
vignette on the purported deep meaning of the Tigers? storybook 2006 season
for the residents of the abandoned black city. Narrated by the legendary
Tigers broadcaster Ernie Harwell, the five minute vignette featured numerous
images of black Detroiters.

 A baseball championship, Harwell said, would not solve the city?s deep
social and economic problems. But it would, he argued, help bring the city?s
residents together and to feel better by "seeing some of themselves" in the
success of their city?s team.  (Surprisingly, FOX made no references to the
role that the Tigers? 1968 World Series triumph was supposed to have played
in helping that city overcome the intense racial divisions it had displayed
during the great Detroit riot of 1967).  It was nicely done.

 Once the game began, however, the city?s predominantly black population
seemed to disappear into the stadium lights. Except for the racially
mixed -- black, white, Asian (the Cardinals have a Japanese outfielder) and
(especially) Latino -- players, Detroit?s downtown Comerica Park seemed
almost completely Caucasian.  In the numerous wide-angle images of the crowd
I scrutinized during the opening game, I discerned a total of five
African-Americans, three of whom were beer or hot dog vendors.  In crowd
shot after shot, it appeared that almost everyone attending the World Series
in black Detroit was white.  Most of the Tigers? attending fans, it seemed,
had driven in from places like Grosse Pointe and Bloomfield Hills.  They did
not come from the actual city in whose name the Tigers play.

        "A PARTY FOR THE [WHITE] PEOPLE"

 The stark relative absence of blacks from the Game One stands provides some
curious backdrop for some interesting comments by New York Times reporter
Selena Roberts and Detroit?s corporate-neoliberal black Mayor Kwame
Kirkpatrick. In a Sunday Times column on how the Tigers? supposed "factory
laborer" manager Jim Leyland is "a symbol of Detroit?s Rebirth" from
Roberts made a suggestive comparison between the Fall Classic and the city?s
experience hosting the Super Bowl last winter. "The city?s hope brokers,"
she wrote, "were host to the Super Bowl in February, but that was a party
for everyone else.  The Super Bowl is a gilded squatter, plopping down, not
moving for a week, so every outsider in a limo can pull up to indulge.  The
World Series," by contrast, "is local, not global, and it?s a party for the
people" (Roberts, 2006).

 If Detroit?s World Series is a "party for the people," it appears that
people from the city?s massively preponderant racial group stand outside the
relevant definition of "we the people." The folks at the center of the
"party" appear to be be from the white periphery even though the "party"
grounds are in the middle of a black city.

  A CURIOUS "REINTRODUCTION"

 Talking about the large number of white suburbanites who visited the
somewhat revitalized neighborhoods in and around Comerica Park this spring
and summer, Kirckpatrick told Roberts that "we?ve reintroduced the city to
people who live 5 to 10 miles away." He also claimed that the Tigers? were
creating a "spirit of can-do" and an "example of hope for the city," telling
Detroit?s residents that "you can change the culture.  You can do anything."
His upbeat comments were reflected in Roberts claim that the Tigers were
trying to "extricate [Detroit] from a cycle of failure" (Roberts, 2006).

 If the racial demographics of the Game One crowd are any indication,
however, "Tigers? fever" has facilitated a very curious and limited sort of
"reintroduction" between the black city and the white suburbs.  It?s a
superficial reconnection where white people from the latter space briefly
gather as a racially homogenous collectivity in a relatively small and safe
part of the former space, only to return to privileged white preserves once
the contest is concluded.

This is not exactly what King had in mind when he said that Americans should
"be dissatisfied until the tragic walls that separate the outer city of
wealth and comfort and the inner city of poverty and despair shall be
crushed by the battering ram of the forces of justice" (King, 1967-A).
Kilpatrick?s indirect embrace of the victim-blaming "cultural" explanation
of concentrated black urban poverty aside, the lily-white composition of the
Comerica Park crowd suggests that the viciously circular culture and
consequences of white supremacy (Mills, 2003)remain all-too intact, putting
real limits on black options and hope within and beyond Detroit.

        PRICED OUT OF THE NATIONAL PASTIME

 Major League Baseball has long priced its tickets so extravagantly that
many black central city residents are excluded from its regularly attending
fan base.  At "U.S. Cellular Field" on Chicago?s predominantly black South
Side and in the largely black and Latino South Bronx?s Yankee Stadium, most
of the black Americans you see are informally hustling outside the ballparks
or formally working concessions and parking. The crowds are recruited from
white, upscale neighborhoods and communities.

 It was not always like this. When I was a baseball-obsessed grade-schooler
on the South Side during the 1960s, I regularly saw large numbers of black
fans at the Chicago White Sox?s Comiskey Park (things were different at the
white North Side?s Wrigley Field, home of the laughable Cubs).  By the 1990s
(when I returned to Chicago), African-Americans had practically disappeared
from Sox crowds.

 When the World Series comes to town, the racialized economic barriers to
ballpark entry only rise. Comerica?s demographics meshed all-too well with
the region and nation?s racial income and wealth disparities.  Game One
standing room tickets sold for as high as $500 on some websites. The Tigers?
season-ticket exchange even listed four seats behind home plate at $8,000.
(Kowalksi. 2006)

 Blacks? pronounced absence from the Fall Classic in Detroit is probably
about more than racially economic inequality. The city?s successful
basketball franchise the Piston certainly draws a larger number and
percentage of black fans than the Tigers.  For various reasons, including
divergent barriers to youth participation in the respective sports,
basketball is a much bigger draw than baseball for black America.

 Still, there are some good black players on the current Tigers roster.
Black Americans have a spectacular baseball tradition that includes such
iconic names as Satchel Paige, Cool Papa Bell, Josh Gibson, Henry Aaron,
Willie Mays, Maury Wills, Lou Brock, Bob Gibson, Ricky Henderson, Jackie
Robinson and Frank Robinson. An African-American slugger named Barry Bonds
(of whom I am personally not a fan) is currently chasing Aaron?s all-time
home run mark. Past black Tigers heroes include Gates Brown, Ron Leflore,
and Lou Whitaker.

 Baseball?s relative popularity in the black community is hardly so degraded
that the Tigers could not easily find tens of thousands of "local, not
global" African Americans who would be pleased to join the "party of the
people" if they only possessed the cash and connections to score some World
Series tickets.

 Baseball is still the quintessential American Game and the Fall Classic
remains its ultimate spectacle. What does it say about the extent to which
America has honored King?s integrationist and egalitarian legacy when the
World Series? crowd is nearly all white even when it is played in the middle
of a city where nearly 9 in 10 residents are black?

       Paul Street ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) is the author of numerous books
and project studies and hundreds of articles.  He is a social policy
researcher, historian, and public speaker in Iowa City, IA.  His next book
is Racial Oppression in the Global Metropolis: A Living Black Chicago
History (2007).    Selected Sources

***

http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/290653_diebold01.html

Wednesday, November 1, 2006

Diebold demands that HBO cancel Thursday's documentary on
voting machines, claims film is 'inaccurate'

By MICHAEL JANOFSKY
BLOOMBERG NEWS

Diebold Inc. insisted that cable network HBO cancel a documentary
that questions the integrity of its voting machines, calling the program
inaccurate and unfair.

The program, "Hacking Democracy," is scheduled to debut Thursday,
five days before the 2006 U.S. midterm elections.

The film claims that Diebold voting machines aren't tamper-proof and
can be manipulated to change voting results.

"Hacking Democracy" is "replete with material examples of inaccurate
reporting," Diebold Election System President David Byrd said in a letter
to HBO President and Chief Executive Chris Albrecht posted on Diebold's
Web site.

Short of pulling the film, Monday's letter asks for disclaimers to be aired
and for HBO to post Diebold's response on its Web site.

According to Byrd's letter, inaccuracies in the film include the assertion
that Diebold, whose election systems unit is based in Allen, Texas,
tabulated more than 40 percent of the votes cast in the 2000 presidential
election.

The letter says Diebold wasn't in the electronic voting business in 2000,
when disputes over ballots in Florida delayed President Bush's victory for
more than a month and raised questions about the reliability of electronic
voting machines.

"We stand by the film," said Jeff Cusson, a spokesman for HBO,
which is a unit of Time Warner Inc.

"We have no intention of withdrawing it from our schedule.
It appears that the film Diebold is responding to
is not the film HBO is airing."

David Bear, a spokesman for Diebold, said the company bought
another firm, Global Elections, in 2002 that served about 8 percent of
balloting in 2000, including voters in Florida.

The company, which hasn't seen the film,
based its complaints on material from the HBO Web site, Bear said.

This is Diebold's second recent defense of its system.

On Sept. 26, Byrd wrote to Jann Wenner, editor and publisher of Rolling
Stone, saying a story written by Robert F. Kennedy Jr., "Will the Next
Election Be Hacked?" was "error-riddled" and that readers "deserve a
better researched and reported article."

The HBO documentary is based on the work of Bev Harris,
the Renton woman who founded BlackBoxVoting.org,
which monitors election accuracy.

In 2004 the attorney general of California took up a whistle-blower claim
filed by Harris against Diebold and settled with the company for $2.6
million in December.

http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/national/290653_diebold01.html

***

Los Angeles Independent Media Center
http://la.indymedia.org

Join Local Oaxacans Protest Living in Los Angeles at Mexican Consulate This
Week

WHAT: Oaxacans living in Los Angeles with friends and family under siege in
their hometown are staging  protests outside the Mexican Consulate.
Spokespersons from the local Oaxacan community say they will hold vigils at
the consulate throughout the week and are organizing for a large
demonstration at the consulate this Thursday, Nov 2nd on Dia de los
Muertos/Day of the Dead.
They are demanding that the state violence against the people of Oaxaca stop
immediately and that both sides work toward a peaceful solution to the
current crisis in Oaxaca.

Demonstrations and Vigils at Mexican Consulate:

Mobilizations and vigils this week at the Mexican consulate to support the
people of Oaxaca and the memory of those killed by the Mexican state,
including IndyMedia journalist Brad Will.

Join the following actions:

WHEN: Thursday, November 2,
Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Death) / Vigil 5:00 PM.
This is going to be a traditional oaxaqueno celebration

WHERE: In front of the Mexican Consulate
2401 W. Sixth St., Los Angeles, CA 90057
(North of Wilshire, West of Alvarado
6th St. at S Parkview across from Macarthur Park)

**

WHEN: Saturday, November 4th, 10:00 AM.
March in Support of the people of Oaxaca
WHERE: The march will start at 2727 W. Pico Blvd.
(Saint Thomas Chuch corner of PIco and Fedora)

BACKGROUND: Vicente Fox's decision to use the Federal Police (Policía
Federal Preventiva -PFP) to repress the people of Oaxaca- as manifested
through the Popular Assembly of the People of Oaxaca (APPO)- represents the
neo-fascist character of the Mexican government; who's only method of
advancing the neo-liberal (imperialist) economic model is through violent
repression of the people.

Through a plan elaborated by the Mexican National "Security Cabinet" of the
Presidency of Vicente Fox(requested by the governor) a decision was made to
utilize the Federal Police to repress the popular movement in Oaxaca; who's
central demand is the resignation of the despotic assassin Governor of the
State of Oaxaca Ulises Ruiz Ortiz.

As of noon Sunday October 29th, several elements of the Federal Police (PFP)
logistically supported by helicopters began to attack the barricades set up
by the Popular Assembly (APPO), with the intention to retake the capital of
the State of Oaxaca and re-establish the neo-liberal order.

The Federal Police (PFP)- military disguised as police- confronted men,
women, youth, seniors and children; the people of Oaxaca, who in their long
history of struggle have demostrated and peacefully confronted the goverment
for better conditions for all people of Oaxaca.

During the most recent confrontations, the Mexican goverment has tried to
justify the use of the military as "necccesary". Even thought, the military
police has taken control over a small part of the city, many marches have
taken place and the people of Oaxaca has surrounded the police with human
chains, as a new strategy to neutralize the violence. Contrary to what the
goverment might have thought, the people of Oaxaca is reorganizing knowing
that there will more attacks brutal against them.

The Popular Assembly (APPO) reported the assassination of Compañero Roberto
Lopez Hernandez, worker of the Social Security Institute; Jorge Alberto
Beltrán, member of the Security Commission of the Popular Assembly (APPO);
the death of a 15 year old and a multitude of injured and detained.

In the country side of Oaxaca, many communities have also been brutalized by
the police but they are also resisting, much of this resistance has been led
by women since their men have migrated.

Considering the brutal repression taking place against the heroic people of
Oaxaca at the hands of the Federal, PAN led government of Vicente Fox-
puppet of the Transnational Corporations- as well as the PRI led State
Government of Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, we see it necessary to call on all the
community in Los Angeles to join the struggle of teacher and the people of
Oaxaca.

To View Photos and Listen to Audio Go to: http://la.indymedia.org
Protest at Mexican Consulate | | MP3 Audio: Protest at Mexican Consulate in
LA









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