Hi.  It's two days before truth or truthiness be told, to paraphrase a
TV sports slogan.  I'm informed by women that my judges list of
yesterday meant to endorse Janis Levart Barquist for Superior
Court Office # 144, not Stuart.  So be it, but I demand to be called
girlfriend, as in 'thank you, girlfriend,'  while weighing my demise
or redemption.  After penitance, here's other politics.
Ed

"House members who would gain control of key committees with a Democratic
victory--John Conyers at Judiciary, Henry Waxman at Government Reform, John
Dingell at Energy and Commerce, Barney Frank at Financial Services, George
Miller at Education and the Workforce, and others--are superbly equipped for
digging out the truth."

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20061113/editors

What Is at Stake

No one can really know until after the polls close, but November 7 has taken
on the shape and feel of a fateful election. We hope the results add up to
repudiation--the beginning of the end of the disastrous, corrupt reign of
George W. Bush. If Democrats fail to recapture at least a working share of
Congressional power, they and their party will rightly be cast into
disrepute, too, and distressed citizens may reasonably begin looking for
other options.

But hope is good, a whole lot better than perennial gloom. If the Democrats
do succeed in winning a majority in the House of Representatives and
possibly even in the Senate, then the country has a chance to begin the
fundamental task of restoring democracy and the constitutional order that
Bush & Co. did so much to desecrate.

We emphasize the "country" because this challenge is too profound to leave
to wobbly politicians in Washington who acquiesced so easily to Bush's
extremes and to the powerful interests that rule the status quo. Americans
who want a restored democracy and rehabilitated Constitution will have to
fight for it, starting now.

If Democrats do win, the first order of business will be to stop cold the
long march of right-wing ideological goals. Reversing the great damage to
law and government and healing the social injuries will be far more arduous
tasks. But if Bush is confined to ceremonial bleats, it will allow the
country to change the subject and begin to think anew about restoring and
creating.

Democrats could revive what used to be a staple of representative
democracy--accountability, the power of Congress to question the chief
executive and demand answers for misdeeds and misguided policies. A tall
stack of outrages, lies and potentially criminal abuses awaits examination.
Manipulation of intelligence. War profiteering. Energy policies that ignore
global warming and fatten oil-industry hogs. The destruction of
constitutional rights. The cynical neglect of citizens injured in New
Orleans and elsewhere. The looting of the Treasury by lobbyist fixers and
wholesale tax giveaways. A healthcare system that serves drug manufacturers
and insurance companies instead of people. The list goes on and on. Some of
the House members who would gain control of key committees with a Democratic
victory--John Conyers at Judiciary, Henry Waxman at Government Reform, John
Dingell at Energy and Commerce, Barney Frank at Financial Services, George
Miller at Education and the Workforce, and others--are superbly equipped for
digging out the truth.

Enacting legislation would be much more difficult, given that Bush will
still have two more years in office and the power to veto anything Democrats
might get through Congress. Even so, the legislative process can be a
powerful engine for change, re-educating people on the political
possibilities, vetting new ideas and building support for more ambitious
goals. In the event they triumph, we urge Democrats to deliver on their
promises: a minimum-wage increase, reform of Medicare drug benefits and
other meat-and-potatoes issues. Just as important, they could work to design
and perfect far larger measures: universal healthcare, financial regulation
to clean up corrupt corporations, a rational military budget and other
neglected concerns. If party leaders appear reluctant, citizens should press
them--hard. Should Democrats choose caution over risk-taking, their
resurrection might prove short-lived.

An off-year Congressional election that seemed less than enthralling only a
few months ago has morphed into potential opportunity. It might change the
flow of politics in ways nobody anticipated. It could suddenly open
political space that has been closed for at least a decade. It could
re-energize our imaginations and raise our expectations.

This is a big deal. We hope.

***

http://select.nytimes.com/2006/11/05/opinion/05rich.html?th&emc=th

Throw The Truthiness Bums Out

By FRANK RICH
NY Times Op-Ed: November 5, 2006

EACH voter will have a favorite moment from the fabulous midterms of 2006.
Forced to pick my own, I'd go for Lynne Cheney's pre-Halloween slapdown of
Wolf Blitzer on CNN. It's not in every political campaign that you get to
watch the wife of the vice president of the United States slug it out about
lesbian sex while promoting a children's book titled "Our 50 States: A
Family Adventure Across America."

The pretext for this improbable dust-up was a last-ditch strategy by the
flailing incumbent Republican senator of Virginia, George Allen. Desperate
to resuscitate his campaign, Senator Allen attacked his opponent, Jim Webb,
for writing sexually explicit passages in his acclaimed novels about the
Vietnam War. Mr. Webb fought back by pointing out, among other Republican
hypocrisies, Mrs. Cheney's authorship of an out-of-print 1981 novel,
"Sisters," with steamy sexual interludes suitable for "The L Word."

When Mr. Blitzer brought up "Sisters" on live television, Mrs. Cheney went
ballistic, calling Mr. Webb a liar. The exchange would have been a TiVo
keeper had only the CNN anchor called Mrs. Cheney out by reading aloud just
one of the many "Sisters" passages floating around the Internet: "The women
who embraced in the wagon were Adam and Eve crossing a dark cathedral
stage - no, Eve and Eve, loving one another as they would not be able to
once they ate of the fruit and knew themselves as they truly were." But you
can't have everything.

Even without Eve and Eve, this silly episode will stay with me as a
representative sample of this election year. It wasn't just that the entire
Cheney-Blitzer-Webb-Allen fracas had nothing to do with the issues that
confront the country. It was completely detached from reality. Mr. Allen,
who has been caught on video in real life spewing a racial epithet, didn't
attack Mr. Webb for any actual bad behavior, but merely for the imaginary
behavior of invented characters in a book. As if it weren't enough for Mrs.
Cheney to regurgitate Mr. Allen's ludicrous argument, she fudged the
contents of her own novel, further fictionalizing what was fiction to start
with. Then she turned around and attacked CNN for broadcasting nonfiction -
a k a news - like her husband's endorsement of waterboarding in a widely
disseminated radio interview.

The incessant shell game played with fiction and reality turned this episode
of Mr. Blitzer's program, "The Situation Room," into a sober inversion of
Comedy Central's "Colbert Report," in which Stephen Colbert's satirical
Fox-style TV blowhard interviews real-life politicians. Here the
interviewer, Mr. Blitzer, was real, but the politician, Mrs. Cheney, was
bogus, shamelessly making everything up and hoping her playacting would make
her outrageous fictions credible. Maybe in some precincts it did.

The 2002 midterms were ridiculed as the "Seinfeld" election - about
nothing - and 2006 often does seem like the "Colbert" election, so suffused
is it with unreality, or what Mr. Colbert calls "truthiness." Or perhaps the
"Borat" election, after the character created by Mr. Colbert's equally
popular British counterpart, Sacha Baron Cohen, whose mockumentary about the
American travels of a crude fictional TV reporter from Kazakhstan opened to
great acclaim this weekend. Like both these comedians, our politicians and
their media surrogates have been going to extremes this year to blur the
difference between truth and truthiness, all the better to confuse the
audience.

But there's one important difference. When Mr. Colbert's fake talking head
provokes a real congressman into making a fool of himself or Mr. Baron
Cohen's
fake reporter tries to storm the real White House's gates, it's a merry
prank for our entertainment. By contrast, the clowns on the ballot busily
falsifying reality are vying to be in charge of our real world at one of the
most perilous times in our history.

While lying politicians and hyperbolic negative TV campaign ads are American
staples, the artificial realities created this year are on a scale worthy of
Disney, if not Stalin. In the campaign's final stretch, Congress and
President Bush passed with great fanfare a new law to erect a 700-mile
border fence to keep out rampaging Mexican immigrants, but guaranteed no
money to actually build it. Rush Limbaugh tried to persuade his devoted
audience that Michael J. Fox had exaggerated his Parkinson's symptoms in an
ad for candidates who support stem-cell research purely as an act.

In a class by itself is the president's down-to-the-wire effort to brand his
party as the defender of "traditional" marriage even as the same-sex
scandals of conservative leaders on and off Capitol Hill make "La Cage aux
Folles" look like "The Sound of Music." Just in recent days, the Rev. Ted
Haggard, a favored Bush spiritual adviser and visitor to the Oval Office (if
not the Lincoln Bedroom), resigned as leader of the National Association of
Evangelicals after accusations that he patronized a male prostitute, and the
Talking Points Memo blog broke the story of the Republican Party taking
money from a gay-porn distributor whose stars include active-duty soldiers.
(A film version of Mrs. Cheney's "Sisters," alas, still awaits.)

And always, always there's the false reality imposed on Iraq: "Absolutely,
we're winning!" in the president's recent formulation. After all this time,
you'd think the Iraq fictions wouldn't work anymore. The overwhelming
majority of Americans now know that we were conned into this mess in the
first place by two fake story lines manufactured by the White House, a
connection between 9/11 and Saddam and an imminent threat of nuclear
Armageddon. Both were trotted out in our last midterm campaign to rush a
feckless Congress into voting for a war authorization before Election Day.
As the administration pulls the same ploy four years later, this time to
keep the fiasco going, you have to wonder if it can get away with lying once
more.

Given the polls, I would have said no, but last week's John Kerry farce
gives me pause. Whatever lame joke or snide remark the senator was trying to
impart, it was no more relevant to the reality unfolding in Iraq than the
sex scenes in Jim Webb's novels. But as the White House ingeniously inflated
a molehill by a noncandidate into a mountain of fake news, real news from
Iraq was often downplayed or ignored entirely. It was a chilling example of
how even now a skit ginned up by the administration screenwriters can dwarf
and obliterate reality in our media culture.

On the same day Mr. Kerry blundered, the United States suffered a palpable
and major defeat in Iraq. The Iraqi prime minister, Nuri al-Maliki, once
again doing the bidding of the anti-American leader Moktada al-Sadr, somehow
coerced American forces into dismantling their cordon of Sadr City, where
they were searching for a kidnapped soldier. As the melodramatic debates
over how much Mr. Kerry should apologize dragged on longer, still more real
news got short shrift: the October death toll for Americans in Iraq was the
highest in nearly two years. Some 90 percent of the dead were enlisted men
and nearly a third were on extended tours of duty or their second or third
tours. Their average age was 24.

When the premises for war were being sold four years ago, you could turn to
the fake news of Jon Stewart's "Daily Show" to find the skepticism that
might poke holes in the propaganda. Four years later, the press is much
chastened by its failure to do its job back then, but not all of the press.
While both Mr. Stewart and Mr. Colbert made sport of the media's overkill on
the Kerry story, their counterparts in "real" television news, especially
but not exclusively on cable, flogged it incessantly. Only after The New
York Times uncovered a classified Pentagon chart documenting Iraq's rapid
descent into chaos did reality begin to intrude on the contrived contretemps
posed by another tone-deaf flub from a former presidential candidate not
even on the ballot.

In retrospect, the defining moment of the 2006 campaign may well have been
back in April, when Mr. Colbert appeared at the White House Correspondents'
Association dinner. Call it a cultural primary. His performance was judged a
bomb by the Washington press corps, which yukked it up instead for a Bush
impersonator who joined the president in a benign sketch commissioned by the
White House. But millions of Americans watching C-Span and the Web did get
Mr. Colbert's routine. They recognized that the Beltway establishment
sitting stone-faced in his audience was the butt of his jokes, especially
the very news media that had parroted Bush administration fictions leading
America into the quagmire of Iraq.

Five months later, a video of Mr. Colbert's dinner speech is still a runaway
iTunes hit and his comic contempt for Washington is more popular than ever.
It's enough to give you hope that the voters may rally for reality on this
crucial Election Day even as desperate politicians and some of their media
enablers try one more time to stay their fictional course.






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