Noteworthy by its absence in the media eulogies and glorification of former 
"president" Gerald Ford -- which unavoidably had to deal with his unelected 
status as an appointed vice-president who got the top spot when Nixon 
resigned, and retroactively painting his pardon of Nixon as an act of 
statesmanship which 'regrettably' cost him election to a full term -- is 
Ford's participation in an even bigger cover-up than his short-circuiting 
of the investigation into Nixon's crimes. I refer to Ford's crucial role in 
the Warren Commission into the assassination of JFK. I am not one of those 
who believes Kennedy was going to withdraw from Vietnam (or was anything 
other than a hawkish cold war 'liberal'), but I think it's clear the Warren 
Commission report was a whitewash. Here are two pertinent items regarding 
the role Ford played:

http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/JFK/ford.html
(website has photos of JFK's shirt and jacket showing the bullethole at his 
back).

By MIKE FEINSILBER
The Associated Press

WASHINGTON (July 2 [1997]) - Thirty-three years ago, Gerald R. Ford took pen in
hand and changed - ever so slightly - the Warren Commission's key sentence
on the place where a bullet entered John F. Kennedy's body when he was
killed in Dallas.

The effect of Ford's change was to strengthen the commission's conclusion
that a single bullet passed through Kennedy and severely wounded Texas
Gov. John Connally - a crucial element in its finding that Lee Harvey
Oswald was the sole gunman.

A small change, said Ford on Wednesday when it came to light, one intended
to clarify meaning, not alter history.

''My changes had nothing to do with a conspiracy theory,'' he said in a
telephone interview from Beaver Creek, Colo. ''My changes were only an
attempt to be more precise.''

But still, his editing was seized upon by members of the conspiracy
community, which rejects the commission's conclusion that Oswald acted
alone.

''This is the most significant lie in the whole Warren Commission
report,'' said Robert D. Morningstar, a computer systems specialist in New
York City who said he has studied the assassination since it occurred and
written an Internet book about it.

The effect of Ford's editing, Morningstar said, was to suggest that a
bullet struck Kennedy in the neck, ''raising the wound two or three
inches. Without that alteration, they could never have hoodwinked the
public as to the true number of assassins.''

If the bullet had hit Kennedy in the back, it could not have struck
Connally in the way the commission said it did, he said.

The Warren Commission concluded in 1964 that a single bullet - fired by a
''discontented'' Oswald - passed through Kennedy's body and wounded his
fellow motorcade passenger, Connally, and that a second, fatal bullet,
fired from the same place, tore through Kennedy's head.

The assassination of the president occurred Nov. 22, 1963, in Dallas;
Oswald was arrested that day but was shot and killed two days later as he
was being transferred from the city jail to the county jail.

Conspiracy theorists reject the idea that a single bullet could have hit
both Kennedy and Connally and done such damage. Thus they argue that a
second gunman must have been involved.

Ford's changes tend to support the single-bullet theory by making a
specific point that the bullet entered Kennedy's body ''at the back of his
neck'' rather than in his uppermost back, as the commission staff
originally wrote.

Ford's handwritten notes were contained in 40,000 pages of records kept by
J. Lee Rankin, chief counsel of the Warren Commission.

They were made public Wednesday by the Assassination Record Review Board,
an agency created by Congress to amass all relevant evidence in the case.
The documents will be available to the public in the National Archives.

The staff of the commission had written: ''A bullet had entered his back
at a point slightly above the shoulder and to the right of the spine.''

Ford suggested changing that to read: ''A bullet had entered the back of
his neck at a point slightly to the right of the spine.''

The final report said: ''A bullet had entered the base of the back of his
neck slightly to the right of the spine.''

Ford, then House Republican leader and later elevated to the presidency
with the 1974 resignation of Richard Nixon, is the sole surviving member
of the seven-member commission chaired by Chief Justice Earl Warren.

{snip}

AP-NY-07-02-97 1826EDT

Here's further evidence of Ford's role in promoting the "magic bullet" 
theory, without which it is impossible that a single rifleman killed 
Kennedy and shot Connally in the process:

http://www.edwardjayepstein.com/diary/ford.htm
  I had entered the assassination labyrinth by choosing the topic of the 
Warren Commission for my master's thesis in Government at Cornell. Andrew 
Hacker, my supervising professor, wanted me to ascertain how the government 
goes about searching for such an elusive quarry as the truth. The Warren 
Commission had been appointed by President Lyndon Johnson to perform such a 
task just 3 weeks after John F. Kennedy was shot to death on November 22, 
1963. Ten months later, after operating in complete secrecy, it issued its 
report, establishing that one man, Lee Harvey Oswald, acting alone, was 
responsible for the assassination. How had the seven members of the 
Commission--Chief Justice Earl Warren, Former Central Intelligence Director 
Allen W. Dulles, John J. McCloy, the Chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank, 
Senator Richard B. Russell, the chairman of the House Armed Services 
Committee, Senator John Sherman Cooper, the former Ambassador to India, 
Hale Boggs, the House Whip and Gerald R. Ford, the Republican leader in the 
House of Representatives -- organized their investigation, narrowed down 
their list of possible suspects to a single assassin, separated true from 
false allegations in their report, and, most importantly, during their 
secret meetings, insulated themselves from political pressures.

Up until this point, the Warren Commissioners had steadfastly refused to 
discuss their deliberations with outsiders, and the Chief Justice had 
invoked an aura of secrecy by pointing out that remaining elements of the 
case may not be known "in our lifetime." But, risking only postage, I wrote 
each of them a brief letter in which I said I was a I was a student at 
Cornell University preparing to write a master's thesis on the problem of 
organizing a secret investigation and my case study was to be the Warren 
Commission. To my shock, all seven of these men, wrote me back a personal 
latter. Except for the Chief Justice (who suggested I interview the 
Commission's general counsel, J. Lee Rankin in his place), they all agreed 
to be interviewed for my thesis.

I met Ford in Room 230, the office of the House Minority Leader. He was 
taller than I expected, with somewhat unruly patches of flaming red hair. 
He had an article Andrew Hacker had written in the New York Times 
conspicuously on his desk, as if to show me he had done his homework on my 
professor. He then turned on his office tape recorder for, he said, his record.

The interview, according to my notes went as follows:

Q. What role did the Commission play in selecting, its staff?

A. We agreed on J. Lee Rankin--as it turns out a good choice--then Rankin 
submitted staff and biographies, and we approved. We, more or less, took 
his word. I didn't know any one of them. We approved purely on Rankin's say so.

Q. Did the Commission act as a sort of Board Of Directors?

A. I didn't. I had my own independent investigation. I had [Gerald] Stiles, 
and Ex-Congressman Ray, and a Harvard lawyer, Frank Fallon, on my payroll, 
and they evaluated testimony. I kept these people from the Commission 
because I wanted to be sure they were independently there.

Q. Was there disagreement on the bullet that hit Governor Connally?

A. There was a wide spectrum of opinion among the Commisssion. I was 
closest to the staff position that Connally was hit by same bullet that hit 
Kennedy. Senator Russell was at the opposite extreme. He believed that 
Connally was hit by a separate bullet. The other members ranged in between us.

Q. Were there other areas of disagreement.

A. Yes. I can note two. I) On point 9 (WR, p2l) At first, it categorically 
stated there was "no conspiracy." But after objections was changed to "no 
evidence was found" and the passage of proving negatives. On the point 
about Oswald's motivation, I added 'Marxism.'

Q. How was it determined when to wind up?

A. The deadline was pushed back, there was some pressure but we all felt we 
finished. The latest date was September 28, because we wanted to finish the 
report before the election. Otherwise, it might be an issue.

Q. Who actually wrote the report?

A. Norman Redlich had a substantial role, but we all -- McCloy, Dulles, 
Cooper, Warren, and myself -- made contributions. Boggs played a lesser role.

He ended the interview, by saying, "By all means, write your thesis. I'm 
writing a book. This is no secrecy at all." It took about one hour. I had 
learned there were some conflicts between the staff and the Commissioners, 
and the Commissioners themselves.

---------------------

 From MN: So Ford acknowledges being the strongest advocate among the 
members of the commission for the single bullet theory (without which it 
would be impossible that Oswald fired all the shots). He admits attributing 
a "Marxist" motivation to Oswald, a red herring. And he acknowledges the 
Commission was under pressure to release its report prior to the 1964 
election, to keep the assassination from becoming an issue in that election.

Yet even the left, which has at least paid a bit of attention to Ford's 
role in launching Cheney and Rumsfeld and to his cutting a deal with Gen. 
Haig ahead of taking over to get Nixon to quit by pardoning him in advance 
of any indictment, hasn't said "boo" about Ford's pivotal role in crafting 
the Warren Commission mythology. His final, unpardonable, willingness to 
remain silent about his opposition to the Bush-Cheney pretexts for war in 
Iraq, while it might have done some good, until after his own death, rounds 
out Ford's role as a pre-eminent defender of imperialism and illegitimate 
presidential power from the light of truth. Even the media justification 
for his pardon of Nixon (that it "preserved the presidency") makes clear 
the reactionary nature of his political career.





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