http://www.counterpunch.org/cockburn01202007.html

Counterpunch: January 20/21 2007

First Bomb Carter; Then Nuke Iran!

The Israel Lobby Trips and Tilts
By ALEXANDER COCKBURN

"The Israel lobby retains its grip inside the Beltway, but it's starting to
lose its hold on the broader public debate. Why? You can't brutalize the
Palestinian people in the full light of day, decade after decade, without
claims that Israel is a light among the nations getting more than a few
serious dents."

Suppose the movers and shakers in the Israel lobby here -- Abe Foxman, Alan
Dershowitz and the rest of the crew -- had simply decided to leave Jimmy
Carter's Palestine Peace Not Apartheid alone. How long before the book would
have been gathering dust on the remainder shelves? Suppose even that
Dershowitz had rounded up his unacknowledged co-authors in all their tens of
thousands and sallied forth to buy up every copy of Carter's book and toss
each one into the Charles River, would not that have been a more successful
suppressor than the blitzkrieg strategy they did adopt?

Of course it would. For weeks now the lobby has hurled its legions into
battle against Carter. He has been stigmatized as an anti-Semite, a
Holocaust denier, a patron of former concentration camp killers, a Christian
madman, a pawn of the Arabs who "flatly condones mass murder" of Israeli
Jews. (This last was from Murdoch's New York Post editorial, relayed to its
mailing list by the Zionist Organization of America.)

Any day now I expect some janitors at the Carter Center to resign, declaring
that they can no longer in all conscience mop bathrooms that might have been
used by the former President, their letter of protest duly front-paged by
the New York Times, just like the famous fourteen members of the Carter
Center's Board of Councilors. Actually there were, at the time of
resignations, 224 people on this board, where membership is mostly a thank
you for a financial donation to the center. So the headlines could be
saying, "Nearly 95 per cent of Carter Center Board Members Back Former
President."

But the assault on Carter is all to no avail. With each gust of abuse,
Carter's book soars higher and higher on the bestseller lists, reaching
number 4 on Amazon itself. This doesn't prove the lobby has no power. It
proves the lobby can be dumb. Adroit lobbying consists in preventing
unpleasing material reaching the light of day. Lobbying thrives in furtive
darkness: slipping language into a bill at the last moment, threatening to
back a campaign opponent, making quiet phone calls to the Polish embassy.
Pressure is now being exerted on Farrar, Straus and Giroux to abandon its
impending publication of Mearsheimer and Walt's attack on the lobby.

The Israel lobby retains its grip inside the Beltway, but it's starting to
lose its hold on the broader public debate. Why? You can't brutalize the
Palestinian people in the full light of day, decade after decade, without
claims that Israel is a light among the nations getting more than a few
serious dents. In the old days, Mearsheimer and Walt's tract would have been
deep-sixed by the University of Chicago and the Kennedy School long before
it reached its final draft, and Farrar, Straus and Giroux wouldn't have
considered offering a six-figure advance for it. Simon & Schuster would have
told President Carter that his manuscript had run into insurmountable
objections from a distinguished board of internal reviewers. But once a book
by a former president with weighty humanitarian credentials makes it into
bookstores, it's hard to shoot it down with volleys of wild abuse.

The trouble with the lobby and the Christian zealots who act as its echo
chamber is that they believe their own propaganda about Israel's equitable
social arrangements and immaculate political and legal record in its
relations with the Palestinians. Use the word apartheid and they howl with
indignation. The shock is about thirty years out of date. Israeli writers
have used the word apartheid to describe arrangements in the occupied
territories for years. Hundreds of prominent South African Jews issued a
statement six years ago making the same link.

As in so many things, conventional elite opinion lives in a bubble,
believing mere assertion and ranting about anti-Semitism will carry the day.
The New York Times featured a spectacularly disingenuous hatchet job by its
deputy foreign editor, Ethan Bronner, and another assault by former
Clinton-era Middle East negotiator Dennis Ross. The latter rolled out the
ritual accusations about Arafat's rejection of Clinton's proposals in
December 2000, which is nonsense, as Ross surely knows. Clinton himself
acknowledged in 2001 what later historians have substantiated, that both
sides accepted his proposals in principle, while filing reservations.
(Israel's amounted to 20 single-spaced pages.)

The Times' attacks were matched in the Washington Post by Jeffrey Goldberg,
formerly of the IDF and a notorious trafficker in fictions, such as the
supposed terror ties between Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein. Amazon ran
his vulgar ravings under the "Editorial Reviews" heading-a space usually
reserved for short blurbs from Publishers Weekly and the like.

But if the lobby is fighting rearguard and increasingly futile actions to
suppress all discussion here of what Israel is doing to Palestinians, it
continues to exercise very serious clout in such enclaves of timidity as the
U.S. Congress. Bush was not foolish in singling out Iran for threats in his
January 10 address. The Democratic reaction to Bush's escalation against
Iraq and Iran has mostly been confined to nervous talk of "symbolic votes."
This temperate posture is surely not unconnected to the fact that the
lobby's prime foreign policy task, joined by Israeli hawks like Bibi
Netanyahu, has been to rally support for an assault on Iran.

What an irony! Desperate for an end to the war, the voters hand Congress to
the Democrats. Barely more than two months later Bush is kidnapping Iranian
diplomats from in their consulate in Irbil, Iraq -- a calculated provocation
arousing scant tumult here. Bush is also deploying a larger naval force to
the Persian Gulf, as Israel plants stories about its possible recourse to
nuclear weapons. Some provocation, maybe a seizure by the U.S. of an Iranian
tanker, is easy to imagine in February. In the Congress, there's barely a
whimper out of the Democrats amid these terrifying prospects. It may have
made a mess of its war against Carter's book, but as a ferryman across the
Styx toward Armageddon the lobby is doing a competent job.

***


 Hard limits and long-observed taboos (Is/Pal)


excerpted from Abunimah News -  Jan 15, 2007
http://electronicintifada.net/cgi-bin/kebab/mail.cgi/abunimah/


The Electronic Intifada - 12 January 2007
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6378.shtml

Hard limits and long-observed taboos

By Ali Abunimah

With his book Palestine Peace Not Apartheid reaching the top of the
bestseller lists, former President Jimmy Carter appears to have made a
breakthrough in the ossified debate on Israel-Palestine in the United
States.

In dozens of packed appearances and in the media, Carter has shattered
long-observed taboos by talking about "the abominable oppression and
persecution in the occupied Palestinian territories, with a rigid system of
required passes and strict segregation between Palestine's citizens and
Jewish settlers in the West Bank." It is still difficult to imagine any
other senior US politician doing that.

Carter has been vilified by the pro-Israel lobbying industry in the United
States with the frequent intimation that he is anti-Semitic. Yet even this
furor demonstrates the hard limits which the debate still faces. In
defending himself against such attacks, Carter has been careful to stress
that he is only talking about the situation inside the territories occupied
in 1967, East Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip. "I know that Israel
is a wonderful democracy with equal treatment of all citizens whether Arab
or Jew. And so I very carefully avoided talking about anything inside
Israel," he said.

Thus what even Carter acknowledges is that a debate about the racist nature
of the Israeli state itself remains off-limits. An obvious question is how a
"wonderful democracy" could operate a system of apartheid just a few miles
away. Discrimination against non-Jewish citizens of Israel is legally
enshrined and openly discussed in Israel. It includes separate and unequal
education, laws that reserve the best land for Jews only, massive
discrimination in allocation of resources, exclusion of non-Jews from
government office, and the "Law of Return" that encourages Jews to move to
the country while indigenous Palestinians remain banned from returning home.

The US media, with a few exceptions, continue to treat these facts,
uncontroversial even within Israel, as if they don't exist. This underlines
the persistent segmentation of the discussion of the conflict in the US and
Europe. There is the official peace process industry, or mainstream
discourse that dominates media coverage and government pronouncements
resting on a number of false assumptions: the US and the "Quartet" are
honest brokers; everyone agrees on the outlines of a two-state solution
except for minor details; Israel has good intentions and merely awaits a
Palestinian partner; Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas is
potentially that partner, while Hamas are outlaw extremists who must be
curbed, forced to "recognize" Israel and "renounce terrorism" and so on.

Only rarely is reality allowed to intrude on this official discourse, which
is what Carter did in a limited way. Sometimes bald facts also call it into
question, if only momentarily, such as when Israel announced a major new
settlement in the northern Jordan Valley part of the West Bank, just days
after an Abbas-Olmert summit that the peace process industry had hailed as a
breakthrough. A scab of distortion and spin quickly forms to cover up
whatever reality may briefly have been revealed. What is remarkable about
this official dialogue is that most Palestinians do not subscribe to it,
with the exception of a minority who are the favored clients of the industry
-- at this time, Abbas and his entourage, the US-armed and EU-backed Gaza
warlord Mohammad Dahlan and the rest of the class that benefited directly
from Oslo.

Contrasted with the official discourse is an insurgent one that remains
marginalized in the academy, among activists and in the alternative media.
But it is gaining strength. Like the vast majority of Palestinians, it
continues to view the Palestine situation as one of anti-colonial struggle,
comparable to the long fight against South African apartheid. Yet Carter's
intervention offers the potential to connect these views; if it becomes
legitimate to describe Israel's tyranny over the occupied Palestinians as
"apartheid", it may not be long before Israel's own internal colonialism
against more than one million Palestinians faces similar examination. When
Israel is no longer viewed as a "wonderful democracy", as US politicians
without exception continue to label it, then the possibility for genuine
peace based on the principle that Palestine-Israel belongs to all who live
in it without discrimination based on religion, ethnic or national origin
may open up. This is the danger that pro-Israel groups clearly perceive and
are working night and day to stop.

[Ali Abunimah is the co-founder of The Electronic Intifada and author of One
Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse. This
article was originally published by Bitter Lemons International on 11
January 2007.]





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