http://www.riverbendblog.blogspot.com/

I'll meet you 'round the bend my friend, where hearts can heal and souls can
mend...
Baghdad Burning: Thursday, Apr 26, 2007

The Great Wall of Segregation...

Which is the wall the current Iraqi government is building (with the
support and guidance of the Americans). It's a wall that is intended to
separate and isolate what is now considered the largest 'Sunni' area in
Baghdad- let no one say the Americans are not building anything.
According to plans the Iraqi puppets and Americans cooked up, it will
'protect' A'adhamiya, a residential/mercantile area that the current
Iraqi government and their death squads couldn't empty of Sunnis.

The wall, of course, will protect no one. I sometimes wonder if this is
how the concentration camps began in Europe. The Nazi government
probably said, "Oh look- we're just going to protect the Jews with this
little wall here- it will be difficult for people to get into their
special area to hurt them!" And yet, it will also be difficult to get
out.

The Wall is the latest effort to further break Iraqi society apart.
Promoting and supporting civil war isn't enough, apparently- Iraqis
have generally proven to be more tenacious and tolerant than their
mullahs, ayatollahs, and Vichy leaders. It's time for America to
physically divide and conquer- like Berlin before the wall came down or
Palestine today. This way, they can continue chasing Sunnis out of
"Shia areas" and Shia out of "Sunni areas".

I always hear the Iraqi pro-war crowd interviewed on television from
foreign capitals (they can only appear on television from the safety of
foreign capitals because I defy anyone to be publicly pro-war in Iraq).
They refuse to believe that their religiously inclined, sectarian
political parties fueled this whole Sunni/Shia conflict. They refuse to
acknowledge that this situation is a direct result of the war and
occupation. They go on and on about Iraq's history and how Sunnis and
Shia were always in conflict and I hate that. I hate that a handful of
expats who haven't been to the country in decades pretend to know more
about it than people actually living there.

I remember Baghdad before the war- one could live anywhere. We didn't
know what our neighbors were- we didn't care. No one asked about
religion or sect. No one bothered with what was considered a trivial
topic: are you Sunni or Shia? You only asked something like that if you
were uncouth and backward. Our lives revolve around it now. Our
existence depends on hiding it or highlighting it- depending on the
group of masked men who stop you or raid your home in the middle of the
night.

On a personal note, we've finally decided to leave. I guess I've known
we would be leaving for a while now. We discussed it as a family dozens
of times. At first, someone would suggest it tentatively because, it
was just a preposterous idea- leaving ones home and extended family-
leaving ones country- and to what? To where?

Since last summer, we had been discussing it more and more. It was only
a matter of time before what began as a suggestion- a last case
scenario- soon took on solidity and developed into a plan. For the last
couple of months, it has only been a matter of logistics. Plane or car?
Jordan or Syria? Will we all leave together as a family? Or will it be
only my brother and I at first?

After Jordan or Syria- where then? Obviously, either of those countries
is going to be a transit to something else. They are both overflowing
with Iraqi refugees, and every single Iraqi living in either country is
complaining of the fact that work is difficult to come by, and getting
a residency is even more difficult. There is also the little problem of
being turned back at the border. Thousands of Iraqis aren't being let
into Syria or Jordan- and there are no definite criteria for entry, the
decision is based on the whim of the border patrol guard checking your
passport.

An airplane isn't necessarily safer, as the trip to Baghdad
International Airport is in itself risky and travelers are just as
likely to be refused permission to enter the country (Syria and Jordan)
if they arrive by airplane. And if you're wondering why Syria or
Jordan, because they are the only two countries that will let Iraqis in
without a visa. Following up visa issues with the few functioning
embassies or consulates in Baghdad is next to impossible.

So we've been busy. Busy trying to decide what part of our lives to
leave behind. Which memories are dispensable? We, like many Iraqis, are
not the classic refugees- the ones with only the clothes on their backs
and no choice. We are choosing to leave because the other option is
simply a continuation of what has been one long nightmare- stay and
wait and try to survive.

On the one hand, I know that leaving the country and starting a new
life somewhere else- as yet unknown- is such a huge thing that it
should dwarf every trivial concern. The funny thing is that it's the
trivial that seems to occupy our lives. We discuss whether to take
photo albums or leave them behind. Can I bring along a stuffed animal
I've had since the age of four? Is there room for E.'s guitar? What
clothes do we take? Summer clothes? The winter clothes too? What about
my books? What about the CDs, the baby pictures?

The problem is that we don't even know if we'll ever see this stuff
again. We don't know if whatever we leave, including the house, will be
available when and if we come back. There are moments when the
injustice of having to leave your country, simply because an imbecile
got it into his head to invade it, is overwhelming. It is unfair that
in order to survive and live normally, we have to leave our home and
what remains of family and friends. And to what?

It's difficult to decide which is more frightening- car bombs and
militias, or having to leave everything you know and love, to some
unspecified place for a future where nothing is certain.

***

http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/commentary/la-oe-holtzman1may01,0,2467755.story?coll=la-news-comment-opinions

Alberto Gonzales' Safefy Net

Confirmation hearings for his successor could spawn criminal investigations
of the White House.

By Elizabeth Holtzman
LA Times Op-Ed: May 1, 2007

Elizabeth Holtzman, a former Democratic congresswoman from New York,
is the coauthor of "The Impeachment of George W. Bush: A Practical Guide
for Concerned Citizens."


NO MATTER how many members of Congress lose confidence in Atty. Gen. Alberto
R. Gonzales, President Bush is unlikely to let him go. If Gonzales resigns,
the vacancy must be filled by a new presidential nominee, and the last thing
the White House wants is a confirmation hearing.

Already, the Senate is outlining conditions for confirming a Gonzales
successor. Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.), chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, has said that his panel would not hold confirmation hearings
unless Karl Rove and other White House aides testify about the firing of
U.S. attorneys to clarify whether "the White House has interfered with
prosecution."

All this is reminiscent of the Watergate scandal. In 1973, as the coverup
was unraveling, the Senate imposed a condition on the confirmation of
President Nixon's nominee for attorney general, Elliot Richardson.
Richardson's predecessor had resigned because of Watergate troubles.
Concerned that the Justice Department would not get at the truth, the Senate
insisted that Richardson would name a special prosecutor to investigate
Watergate. Richardson duly appointed Archibald Cox.

The rest is history. Cox's aggressive investigations led to the prosecution
of top administration officials and the naming of Nixon as an unindicted
co-conspirator in the coverup. When Cox sought White House tapes of Nixon's
conversations with his staff, the president had him fired, unleashing a
firestorm of protests. Americans demanded that a previously reluctant
Congress start impeachment proceedings against Nixon. Congress complied; the
House Judiciary Committee, of which I was a member, voted for impeachment,
and Nixon resigned.

Aspects of this history could easily repeat themselves. The Senate could
demand, as it did in 1973, that a new attorney general appoint a special
prosecutor, and this could again have dire consequences for the White House.

A new special prosecutor would have many questions to investigate.

For starters, were any of the firings of U.S. attorneys federal crimes -
such as obstruction of justice, designed to stymie investigations or to
retaliate for prosecutions of Republicans? If so, who is responsible and how
high up does that responsibility go? Did Deputy Atty. Gen. Paul J. McNulty,
who gave inaccurate testimony to Congress about the firings, commit any
crime in doing so? Were those who briefed him for that testimony complicit?

And what happened to the missing e-mail messages from Rove and others? Did
these apparent violations of the Presidential Records Act - failure to keep
copies of the exchanges - constitute federal crimes?

So there is ample work for a special prosecutor. The Senate could call for
appointing one without waiting for Gonzales to resign. But in that case,
Gonzales or McNulty would be making the appointment, and the integrity of
the choice would be highly questionable.

That leaves Senate confirmation hearings of a new attorney general nominee
as the main leverage for Congress to secure an independent criminal
investigation of the U.S. attorney firings.

Moreover, the Senate might use such hearings to do more than secure
testimony from White House aides about the firings, as Leahy indicated. It
also might use the opportunity to probe the Justice Department's role in
mistreatment of detainees, four years of flouting the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act and other serious matters.

Rather than face such scrutiny, the White House may prefer keeping a
drastically weakened Gonzales in place. But doing so exacts a high price for
the Justice Department and the nation. It damages department morale and
credibility, undermines its ability to recruit and could affect perceptions
of federal prosecutors, jeopardizing important cases. By retaining Gonzales
to preempt Senate action, the president has signaled that this is a price he
is willing to make the nation pay.




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