Today, Sunday, May 20, 2007:

AFSC invites you to two forums commemorating the 40th anniversary
of the Israeli occupation and the 59th anniversary of Al Nakba

The forums are part of UCLA Palestine Solidarity Week.

10 AM - 2:30 PM
Israel, Zionism and Apartheid:
The Case for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions

3 - 5 PM
The Two-State Solution: Still Possible?
Peace is Achievable

Both forums are free, at UCLA in the Humanities Bldg, Room A51.


http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article17726.htm

Rootless Cosmopolitan

by Tony Karon: Friday, May 18, 2007

Palestinian Pinochet Making His Move?

There’s something a little misleading in the media reports that routinely
describe the fighting in Gaza as pitting Hamas against Fatah forces or
security personnel “loyal to President Mahmoud Abbas.” That characterization
suggests somehow that this catastrophic civil war that has killed more than
25 Palestinians since Sunday is a showdown between Abbas and the Hamas
leadership — which simply isn’t true, although such a showdown would
certainly conform to the desires of those running the White House Middle
East policy.

The Fatah gunmen who are reported to have initiated the breakdown of the
Palestinian unity government and provoked the latest fighting may profess
fealty to President Abbas, but it’s not from him that they get their orders.
The leader to whom they answer is Mohammed Dahlan, the Gaza warlord who has
long been Washington’s anointed favorite to play the role of a Palestinian
Pinochet. And while Dahlan is formally subordinate to Abbas, whom he
supposedly serves as National Security Adviser, nobody believes that Dahlan
answers to Abbas — in fact, it was suggested at the time that Abbas
appointed Dahlan only under pressure from Washington, which was irked by the
Palestinian Authority president’s decision to join a unity government with
Hamas.

If Dahlan takes orders from anyone at all, it’s certainly not from Abbas.
Abbas has long recognized the democratic legitimacy and popularity of Hamas,
and embraced the reality that no peace process is possible unless the
Islamists are given the place in the Palestinian power structure that their
popular support necessitates. He has always favored negotiation and
cooperation with Hamas — much to the exasperation of the Bush
Administration, and also of the Fatah warlords whose power of patronage was
threatened by the Hamas election victory — and could see the logic of the
unity government proposed by the Saudis even when Washington couldn’t.
Indeed, as the indispensable Robert Malley and Hussein Agha note, nothing
has hurt Abbas’s political standing as much as the misguided efforts of
Washington to boost his standing in the hope of undermining the elected
Hamas government.

Needless to say, only an Administration as deluded about its ability to
reorder Arab political realities in line with its own fantasies — and also,
frankly, as utterly contemptuous of Arab life and of Arab democracy, empty
sloganizing notwithstanding — as the current one has proved to be could
imagine that
the Palestinians could be starved, battered and manipulated into choosing a
Washington-approved political leadership. Yet, that’s exactly what the U.S.
has attempted to do ever since Hamas won the last Palestinian election,
imposing a financial and economic chokehold on an already distressed
population, pouring money and arms into the forces under Dahlan’s control,
and eventually adapting itself to funnel monies only through Abbas, as if
casting in him in the role of a kind of Quisling-provider would somehow
burnish his appeal among Palestinian voters. (As I said, their contempt for
Arab intelligence knows no bounds. )

But while the hapless Abbas is little more than a reluctant passenger in
Washington’s strategy — and will, I still believe, repair to his former
exile lodgings in Qatar in the not too distant future — Mohammed Dahlan is
its point man, the warlord who commands the troops and who has been spoiling
for a fight with Hamas since they had the temerity to trounce his
organization at the polls on home turf.

Dahlan’s ambitions clearly coincided with plans drawn up by White House
Middle East policy chief, Elliot Abrams — a veteran of the Reagan
Administration’s Central American dirty wars — to arm and train Fatah
loyalists to prepare them to topple the Hamas government. If Mahmoud Abbas
has been reluctant to embrace the confrontational policy promoted by the
White House, Dahlan has no such qualms. And given that Abbas has no
political base of his own, he is dependent entirely on Washington and
Dahlan.

Seeing the disastrous implications of the U.S. policy, the Saudis appeared
to have put the kibosh on Abrams’ coup plan by drawing Abbas into a unity
government with Hamas. And as Mark Perry at Conflict Forum detailed in an
excellent analysis Dahlan was just about the only thing that the U.S. had
going for it in terms of resisting the move towards a unity government.
Although his fretting and sulking in Mecca couldn’t prevent the deal, the
U.S. appears to have helped him fight back afterwards by ensuring that he
was appointed national security adviser, a move calculated to provoke Hamas,
whose leaders tend to view Dahlan as little more than a torturer and a de
facto enforcer for Israel.

But Dahlan appears to have made his move when it came to integrating the
Palestinian Authority security forces (currently dominated by Fatah) by
drawing in Hamas fighters and subjecting the forces to the control of a
politically neutral interior minister. Dahlan simply refused, and set off
the current confrontations by ordering his men out onto the street last
weekend without any authorization from the government of which he is
supposedly a part.

The new provocation appears consistent with a revised U.S. plan, reported on
by Mark Perry and Paul Woodward, that emphasized the urgency of toppling the
unity government. They suggest the plan emanates from Abrams, who they say
is operating at cross purposes with Condi Rice’s efforts to appease the Arab
moderate regimes by reviving some form of peace process. They note, for
example, that Jewish American sources have told the Forward and Haaretz that
Abrams recently briefed Jewish Republicans and made clear to them that Rice’s
efforts were merely a symbolic exercise aimed at showing Arab allies that
the U.S. was “doing something,” but that President Bush would ensure that
nothing would come of them, in the sense that Israel would not be required
to make any concessions.

Whatever the precise breakdown within the Bush Administration, it’s plain
that Dahlan, like Pinochet a quarter century, would not move onto a path of
confrontation with an elected government unless he believed he had the
sanction of powerful forces abroad to do so. If does move to turn the
current street battle into a frontal assault on the unity government,
chances are it will be because he got a green light from somewhere — and
certainly not from Mahmoud Abbas.

But the confrontation under way has assumed a momentum of its own, and it
may now be beyond the capability of the Palestinian leadership as a whole to
contain it. If that proves true, the petulance that has substituted for
policy in the Bush Administration’s response to the 2006 Palestinian
election will have succeeded in turning Gaza into Mogadishu. But it may be
too much to expect the Administration capable of anything different — after
all, they’re still busy turning Mogadishu into Mogadishu all over again.

http://tonykaron.com/2007/05/15/palestinian-pinochet-making-his-move/

***

      On 15 May 2007, 22 Black American professors, writers, religious
figures, and other leaders issued a call to Black America to join in the
June 10 March and rally, and break the silence on the injustices faced by
the Palestinian people.

 To Black America:

It is time for our people to once again demand that the silence be broken on
the injustices faced by the Palestinian people resulting from the Israeli
occupation.

On June 10th, the national coalition known as the US Campaign to End the
Israeli Occupation (endtheoccupation.org) will be spearheading a march and
rally to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the beginning of the illegal
Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories.

We, the signatories of this appeal, ask that Black America again take a
leading role in this effort as well as the broader work to bring attention
to this 40 year travesty of justice.

United Nations resolutions have called for the Israeli withdrawal, yet the
Israeli government, with the backing of the USA, has ignored them. The
Israeli government has appropriated Palestinian land in open defiance of
international law and overwhelming international condemnation.

Within the USA anyone who speaks in favor of Palestinian rights and justice
is immediately condemned as being allegedly anti-Israel (and frequently
allegedly anti-Semitic), shutting down legitimate discussion. A case in
point can be seen in the current furor surrounding former President Jimmy
Carter who was criticized for his assertion in his best-selling book,
Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid, that Israeli obstructionism lies at the root
of the failure to achieve a just Palestinian/ Israeli settlement.

As Nobel prizewinner Archbishop Desmond Tutu has written, "People are
scared in the US, to say 'wrong is wrong,' because the pro-Israeli lobby is
powerful--very powerful. Well, so what? For goodness sake, this is God's
world! We live in a moral universe. The apartheid government was very
powerful, but today it no longer exists."

Many of those who most outspokenly agree with President Carter and
Archbishop Tutu are American Jews. And many American Jews, including
the national organization Jewish Voice for Peace, will be among those
rallying for Palestinian rights on June 10th - as will many other Americans,
including member groups of the leading anti-war coalition United for Peace
and Justice.

Leaders from Black America have repeatedly and historically been among the
most outspoken proponents of justice for the Palestinian people. Our leaders
have defended the Palestinian people's right to full self-determination and
an end to the Occupation as central to peace in the region. Our leaders have
not criticized the Jewish people but they have expressed outrage at the
Israeli government that collaborated with the apartheid South African
government (including in the development of weapons of mass destruction) and
emulated South Africa's treatment of its Black majority in its own treatment
of the Palestinian people.

As we struggle to build our country's support for Palestinian human rights,
we widen the door for both Arab and Black Americans to deal with the issues
that join them together, as well as those that separate them. We will help
to energize - and to heal - both communities.

June tenth and Juneteenth: will our struggles lead the way to a new
emancipation of others? Our own integrity as a people, let alone our own
experience with massive injustice and oppression, demand that we step
forward, speak out, and insist on a change in US policy towards the
Palestinian people. Since when have an illegally occupied people been
wrong in demanding and fighting for their human rights and land? Since
when have such people and their cause not been worthy of our support?

Please join us on June 10th!

Signed by (affiliation for identification purposes only)

·        Salih Booker, former Executive Director of Africa Action

·        Khephra Burns, author, editor, playwright

·        Horace G. Campbell, Professor of African American Studies and
Political Science

·        Dr. Ron Daniels, President, Institute of the Black World 21st
Century

·        Bill Fletcher, labor and international activist, and writer

·        George Friday, United for Peace and Justice Co-Chair, National
Coordinator, Independent Progressive Politics Network

·        Rev. Graylan Scott Hagler, Senior Minister, Plymouth Congregational
United Church of Christ; National President, Ministers for Racial, Social
and Economic Justice of the United Church of Christ

·        Mahmood Mamdani, Herbert Lehman Professor of Government in the
Departments of Anthropology, Political Science and Public and International
Affairs

·        Manning Marable, Professor of Public Affairs, Political Science,
History and African-American Studies

·        George Paz Martin, National Co-Chair of United for Peace and
Justice and Green Party U.S. Activist

·        E. Ethelbert Miller, literary activist; board chair, Institute for
Policy Studies

·        Prexy Nesbitt, speaker and educator on Africa, foreign policy, and
racism

·        Barbara Ransby, Associate Professor of History and African-American
Studies

·        Cedric Robinson, Professor, Department of Black Studies

·        The Rev. Canon Edward W. Rodman MDiv.LCH,DD. Professor of Pastoral
Theology and Urban Ministry at the Episcopal Divinity School, Cambridge, Ma.

·        Jamala Rogers, Black Radical Congress

·        Don Rojas, former director of communications for the National
Association for the Advancement of Colored People

·        Zoharah Simmons, human rights activist

·        Chuck Turner, Boston City Councilor

·        Hollis Watkins, Former Freedom Singer and staff member of Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; human rights activist (1961 - present)

·        Dr. Cornel West

·        Emira Woods, co-director, Foreign Policy In Focus, Institute for
Policy Studies





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