http://www.alternet.org/audits/53078/?page=1

Israel's 40 Years of Occupation: From Democratic State to Violent Oppressor
By Chris Hedges, Truthdig. Posted June 5, 2007

(Chris Hedges ( [EMAIL PROTECTED] ) is a graduate of Harvard Divinity
School and won a Pulitzer Prize as a foreign correspondent for the New York
Times. He is author, mostly recently, of " American Fascists: The Christian
Right and the War on America.)

Israel captured and occupied the Gaza Strip and the West Bank 40 years ago
this week. The victory was celebrated as a great triumph, at once tripling
the size of the land under Israeli control, including East Jerusalem. It
was, however, a Pyrrhic victory.

As the occupation stretched over the decades, it transformed and deformed
Israeli society. It led Israel to abandon the norms and practices of a
democratic society until, in the name of national security, it began to
routinely accept the brutal violence of occupation and open discrimination
and abuse of Palestinians, including the torture of prisoners and collective
reprisals for Palestinians attacks. Palestinian neighborhoods, olive groves
and villages were, in the name of national security, bulldozed into the
ground.

Israel's image has shifted from that of a heroic, open society set amid a
sea of despotic regimes to that of an international pariah. Israel's West
Bank separation barrier, built ostensibly to keep out Palestinian bombers,
has also been used to swallow huge tracts of the West Bank into Israel.
Palestinian towns are ringed by Israeli checkpoints. Major roads in the West
Bank are reserved for Israeli settlers.

The U.N. estimates that about half the West Bank is now off-limits to
Palestinians. And every week there are new reports of Palestinian produce
that is held up until it rots, pregnant women giving birth in cars because
they cannot get to hospitals, and even senseless and avoidable deaths, such
as one young woman who died recently when she couldn't get through a
checkpoint to her kidney dialysis treatment.

"We are raising commanders who are policemen," former Israeli General Amiram
Levine told the newspaper Maariv. "We ask them to excel at the checkpoint.
What does it means to excel at the checkpoint? It means being enough of a
bastard to delay a pregnant woman from getting to the hospital."

The occupation was benign at the beginning. Israelis crossed into
Palestinian territory to buy cheap vegetables, eat at local restaurants,
spend the weekend in the desert oasis of Jericho and get their cars fixed.
The Palestinians were a pool of cheap labor and by the mid-1980s, 40 percent
of the Palestinian workforce was employed in Israel.

The Palestinians flowed over the border to the shops and beaches of Tel
Aviv. But the second-class status of Palestinians, growing repression by
Israeli authorities in the West Bank and Gaza and festering poverty saw
Palestinians, most of them too young to remember the moment of occupation,
rise up in December 1987 to launch six years of street protests. The
uprising eventually led to a peace accord between Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization led by Yasir Arafat. Arafat, who had spent most of
his life in exile, returned in triumph to Gaza.

The Oslo Accords that followed momentarily heralded a new era, a moment of
hope. I was in Gaza when they were signed. The Gaza Strip was awash in a
giddy optimism. Palestinian businessmen who had made their fortunes abroad
returned to help build the new Palestinian state. The radical Islamists
seemed to shrink away. Palestinian women threw off their head scarves and
beauty salons sprouted on city streets. There was a brief and shining sense
that life could be normal, free from strife and violence, that finally
Palestinians had a future.

But it all swiftly turned sour. The 1995 assassination of Israeli Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin, coupled with mounting draconian restrictions on
Palestinians to prevent them from entering Israel and keep them in
submission, led to another uprising in 2000. This one, which I also covered
for The New York Times, was far more violent.

This latest uprising has led to the deaths of more than 4,300 Palestinians
and 1,100 Israelis. It ushered in an Israeli policy that saw Jewish settlers
relocated from Gaza. Gaza was then sealed off like a vast prison. Israel
also began to build a security barrier -- at a cost of about $ 1 million per
mile -- in the West Bank. When it is done, the barrier is expected to
incorporate 40 percent of Palestinian land into the Israeli state.

Israeli air strikes have, over the past year, decimated the infrastructure
in Gaza, destroying bridges, power stations and civilian administration
buildings. The breakdown in law and order, coupled with the growing
desperation in Gaza, has triggered an internecine conflict between Hamas and
Fatah. There are some 200 Palestinians who have died in clashes and street
fighting between the two factions during the past year -- more than
one-third of those killed by Israel during the same period.

The Israeli abuses have been well documented, not only by international
human rights organizations, but Israeli human rights groups such as
B'Tselem. On June 4, 2007, Amnesty International released a new 45-page
report called "Enduring Occupation: Palestinians Under Siege in the West
Bank," which again illustrates the devastating impact of four decades of
Israeli military occupation.

The report documents the relentless expansion of unlawful settlements on
occupied land. It details the ways Israel has seized or denied crucial
resources, such as water, to Palestinians under occupation. It documents a
plethora of measures that confine Palestinians to fragmented enclaves and
hinder their access to work, health and education facilities. These measures
include the 700-kilometer barrier or wall, more than 500 checkpoints and
blockades, and a complicated system of permits to heavily restrict movement.

"Palestinians living in the West Bank are blocked at every turn. This is not
simply an inconvenience -- it can be a matter of life or death. It is
unacceptable that women in labor, sick children, or victims of accidents on
their way to hospital should be forced to take long detours and face delays
which can cost them their lives," said Malcolm Smart, director of Amnesty
International's Middle East and North Africa Program.

"International action is urgently needed to address the widespread human
rights abuses being committed under the occupation, and which are fueling
resentment and despair among a predominantly young and increasingly
radicalized Palestinian population," said Smart. "For 40 years, the
international community has failed to adequately address the
Israeli-Palestinian problem; it cannot, must not, wait another 40 years to
do so."

Of Gaza's 1.4 million residents, a staggering 1.1 million now depend on
outside food assistance. The World Food Program has identified Gaza as one
of the world's hunger global hot spots. The WFP is a principal food aid
provider to Palestinians, providing assistance to 640,000 Palestinians, more
than a third of them in Gaza.

The desperation -- with young men unable to find work, travel outside the
Gaza Strip or West Bank and forced to sleep 10 to a room in concrete hovels
without running water -- has empowered the Islamic radicals. The desperation
has led the Palestinian population, once one of the most secular in the
Middle East, to turn to radical fundamentalism. The more pressure and
violence Israel employs, the more these radicals are empowered.

The Israeli lobby in the United States is captive to the far right of
Israeli politics. It exerts influence not on behalf of the Jewish state but
an ideological strain within Israel that believes it can crush Palestinian
aspirations through force.

The self-defeating policies of the Bush administration are mirrored in the
self-defeating policies championed by the hard-right administration of Prime
Minister Ehud Olmert in Jerusalem. Israel flouts international law and
dismisses Security Council resolutions to respect the integrity of
Palestinian territory. It has instead trapped Palestinians in squalid,
barricaded ghettos where they barely survive.

It is not in Israel's interest -- or our own -- to continue to fuel
increased Palestinian strife and rising militancy. Economic sanctions
against Israel are our last hope. These were the tools that toppled the
apartheid regime in South Africa. And it was, after all, the sanctions
imposed by the first President Bush -- he suspended $10 billion of loan
guarantees for resettling Russian immigrants in Israel -- that prodded
right-wing Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir to attend peace talks in
Madrid.

A trade embargo -- even if imposed only by European states -- would be a
start. It is outside pressure that can alone halt the inexorable slide into
a conflict that could become regional. And a new regional conflict with
Israel could spell the end of the Zionist experiment in the Middle East. It
may be quixotic, perhaps even impossible, but it is the last measure left to
save Israel from itself.

***


Reuters - Jun 5, 2007
http://www.reuters.com/article/domesticNews/idUSN0521635620070605?feedType=RSS

U.S. discontent over Iraq, Democrats rising: poll

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Americans are becoming more discontented over
the situation in Iraq and more unhappy with Democrats who won control
of Congress last November largely because voters want to see an end to
the war, according to a Washington Post/ABC News poll.

Just 39 percent said they approve of the job Congress is doing, down
from 44 percent in April. Approval of congressional Democrats dropped
to 44 percent from 54 percent, according to the poll results.

Much of that drop was fueled by lower approval ratings of congressional
Democrats among strong opponents of the Iraq war, independents and
liberal Democrats, The Washington Post reported on Tuesday.

In April, Americans, by a 25-point margin, trusted the Democrats over
U.S. President George W. Bush to handle the situation in Iraq. In the
new poll, Democrats held their advantage but only by 16 points, the
Post reported

Bush's job-approval rating stands at 35 percent, unchanged from April.

Deep public skepticism about Iraq, concerns about the Democrats and
Bush, and near-record-high gasoline prices appear to have combined to
sour the overall mood in the country, the Post said.

Seventy-three percent of Americans said the country is pretty seriously
on the wrong track, the newspaper said.

Overall, 61 percent said the war in Iraq was not worth fighting, and
nearly two-thirds said the United States is not making significant
progress restoring civil order in Iraq, the Post said.

Fifty-five percent, a new high, said the number of U.S. military forces
in Iraq should be decreased, but only 15 percent called for an
immediate withdrawal, the report said newspaper.

The telephone poll of 1,205 adults was conducted May 29 to June 1 and
has a margin of error of plus or minus three percentage points.

©Reuters 2006.









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