DOWN IN THE FLOOD: THE SENATE'S BLANK CHECK FOR WAR ON IRAN
_________________________________________________________________________


ATLANTIC FREE PRESS
'Hard Truths for Hard Times'
Friday, 13 July 2007
http://www.atlanticfreepress.com/content/view/1970/1/
by Chris Floyd


As you may know -- unless you rely on the 
corporate media for your news, of course -- 
yesterday the U.S. Senate unanimously declared 
that Iran was committing acts of war against the 
United States: a 97-0 vote to give George W. Bush 
a clear and unmistakable casus belli for 
attacking Iran whenever Dick Cheney tells him to.


The bipartisan Senate resolution -- the 
brainchild (or rather the bilechild) of Fightin' 
Joe Lieberman -- affirmed as official fact all of 
the specious, unproven, ever-changing allegations 
of direct Iranian involvement in attacks on the 
American forces now occupying Iraq. The Senators 
appear to have relied heavily on the recent New 
York Times story by Michael Gordon that 
stovepiped unchallenged Pentagon spin directly 
onto the paper's front page. As Firedoglake 
points out, John McCain cited the heavily 
criticized story on the Senate floor as he cast his vote.


It goes without saying that all of this is a 
nightmarish replay of the run-up to the war of 
aggression against Iraq: The NYT funneling false 
flag stories from Bush insiders. Warmongers 
citing the NYT stories as "proof" justifying any 
and all action to "defend the Homeland." 
Credulous and craven Democratic politicians 
swallowing the Bush line hook and sinker.


To be sure, stout-hearted Dem tribunes like Dick 
Durbin insisted that their support for declaring 
that Iran is "committing acts of war" against the 
United States should not be taken as an 
"authorization of military action." This is 
shaky-knees mendacity at its finest. Having 
officially affirmed that Iran is waging war on 
American forces, how, pray tell, can you then 
deny the president when he asks (if he asks) for 
authorization to "defend our troops?" Answer: you can't. And you know it.


This vote is the clearest signal yet that there 
will be no real opposition to a Bush 
Administration attack on Iran. This is yet 
another blank check from these slavish, ignorant 
goons; Bush can cash it anytime. This is, in 
fact, the post-surge "Plan B" that's been mooted 
lately in the Beltway. As you recall, there was 
much throwing about of brains on the subject of 
reviving the "Iraq Study Group" plan when the 
"surge" (or to call it by its right name, the 
"punitive escalation") inevitably fails. Bush put 
the kibosh on that this week ("Him not gonna do 
nothin' that Daddy's friends tell him to do! Him 
a big boy, him the decider!"), but that doesn't 
mean there isn't a fall-back position ­ or 
rather, a spring-forward position: an attack  on 
Iran, to rally the nation behind the "war leader" 
and reshuffle the deck in Iraq.


Of course, the United States is already at war 
with Iran. We are directing covert ops and 
terrorist attacks inside Iran, with the help of 
groups that our own government has declared 
terrorist renegades. We are kidnapping Iranian 
officials in Iraq and holding them hostage. We 
have a bristling naval armada on Iran's doorstep, 
put there for the express purpose of threatening 
Tehran with military action. The U.S. Congress 
has overwhelmingly passed measures calling for 
the overthrow of the Iranian government. And now 
the U.S. Senate has unanimously declared that 
Iran is waging war on America, and has given 
official notice that this will not be tolerated. 
It is only a very small step to move from this 
war in all but name to the full monty of an overt military assault.


We've said it before and we'll say it again: 
there is madness at work here. There is no other 
word for it. As I noted a few years ago:


Homo sapiens is the only species that dreams of 
its own total demise. Our brief history of 
conscious thought is replete with vivid scenarios 
of the end of life on earth...Religion has 
produced most of these -- giddy, voluptuous 
nightmares of universal extinction, usually by 
fire, at divine order. A favored remnant is 
always saved in such tales, of course, but only 
after being transformed into some different, 
higher order of being. The gross human body -- 
that bleeding, fouling, endlessly replicating 
sack of earth -- is gleefully consigned to eternal oblivion.


It seems that some ineradicable nihilism pervades 
us, like a virus, now dormant, now flaring: 
something in us that wants to die, to be done 
with the long, overhanging doom of mortality -- 
and to take the world with us. Our grandiose 
visions of the future seem to hide, at their 
core, a secret, desperate anxiety about the 
profound meaninglessness of existence -- an 
anxiety that often disguises itself in elaborate 
fantasies of the afterlife, in dreams of 
"dominance" for one's "own kind" (nation, tribe, 
faith, race, ideology, etc.), or in the 
eroticizing of death, war and destruction.


Instincts for preservation, sentiments of 
affection, the drive for pleasure -- from the 
most basic bodily urges to the most sublime 
creations and apprehensions of the intellect -- 
act as counterweights to this dark virus, of 
course. They provide for most of us, most of the 
time, enough fragments of meaning -- or at least 
sufficient distraction -- to get on with things, 
without too much resort to world-engulfing 
visions or the extremes of nihilistic anxiety.


On the individual level, the calibration of these 
competing impulses can be intricate, subtle, 
ever-shifting, because the individual mind is so 
complex and all-encompassing, yet also so 
enclosed, so unlockably private as well: an 
infinitely supple tool for managing the conflicts 
and contradictions of reality. But on the broader 
level -- species, nation, group -- human 
consciousness is, of necessity, a far more blunt and brutal instrument.


There, our brain-fevers and anxieties rage more 
virulently, lacking the counterweights of 
individual feeling and the quick, intimate 
responsiveness of the private mind. In the 
group-mind, the fantasies that root in the muddy 
fear of meaninglessness can emerge full-blown. 
Thought and discourse are reduced to broad 
strokes, slogans, codes and incantations, with 
little correspondence to reality. Awareness of 
this tendency can mitigate some of its effects; 
but the group-mind's fundamental falsity and 
irreality almost invariably infects the thoughts 
and actions of group leaders -- and eventually 
many of the group members as well.


Thus we can sometimes say, not entirely 
metaphorically, that nations "go mad," hurtling 
themselves toward ruin, embracing 
self-destruction, lusting for violence and death, 
sick with nihilism — although this sickness iis 
always painted in the colors of patriotic fervor or religious zeal, or both...


Now draw these dangerous streams together, and 
you have a portrait of the blunt and brutal 
group-mind at work in the leadership of the 
world's most powerful nation. The folly, fantasy 
and death-fetish of the Bush Regime -- long 
evident to anyone who cared to see -- were 
finally "revealed" in the mainstream media 
recently by the quasi-official Establishment 
oracle, Bob Woodward. His latest insider 
portrait, Plan of Attack, offers -- in the usual, 
easily-gummed pabulum form -- a few tastes of the 
bitter truth behind the Regime's mad, ruinous war crime in Iraq.


The corrosive nihilism at the heart of the 
enterprise ate through the gaudily-painted 
surface most tellingly in a single anecdote. 
Woodward asks George W. Bush how he thinks 
history will regard his adventure in Iraq. Bush, 
gazing out the window, shrugs and waves the 
question away. "History, we don't know," he says. 
"We'll all be dead." No fine, faith-filled talk 
here about God and Jesus and the immortal soul 
responsible for its actions throughout all 
eternity -- the kind of zealous patter Bush 
favors in public statements. This was just the 
cold, rotten, meaningless core of his grand 
vision: "We'll all be dead." So who cares? Apres moi, le deluge.


Who would have thought the floodwaters of this 
death vision would have risen so high again so 
soon? Yet here they are again, beating against the gates.


UPDATE: Jonathan Schwarz points out that all of 
the Senate's Democratic candidates for president 
voted for Lieberman's Iran War amendment: Hillary 
Clinton, Barak Obama, and Joe Biden. Just in case 
you were expecting a saner foreign policy after the 2008 election.


Copyright 2007 Atlantic Free Press


** NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. 
section 107, material appearing in Antifa 
Info-Bulletin is distributed without charge or 
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