http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2177178,00.html

That hissing? It's the sound of bubblenomics deflating

Merely cutting the cost of borrowing will do little to remedy the 
long-term weaknesses of the advanced economies

Robert Brenner
Wednesday September 26, 2007
The Guardian

The mortgage lending and banking turmoil in Britain and America seems to 
be contained, but its future course remains very much in doubt. If, as 
senior officials have long contended, economic fundamentals are strong, 
fears about the impact of the crisis should be allayed. But are they?

The bull runs of the 1980s and 1990s, and the first half of this decade, 
with their epoch-making transfer of wealth to the richest 1% of the 
population, have distracted attention from the actual long-term 
weakening of advanced capitalist economies. Economic performance in the 
US, western Europe and Japan has, by virtually every standard indicator 
- output, investment, employment and wages - deteriorated, decade by 
decade, business cycle by business cycle, since the early 70s.

The years since the current cycle began in early 2001 have been the 
worst of all - in the US, growth of GDP and jobs has been the slowest 
since the end of the 1940s, and real hourly wages for about 80% of the 
workforce have languished at about their 1979 level. The decrease in the 
dynamism of the advanced capitalist economies is rooted in a major drop 
in profitability, caused by a chronic tendency towards overcapacity in 
global manufacturing, going back to the late 1960s. Reduced 
profitability has, since the 1970s, led to a steady decline in the rate 
of investment as a portion of GDP, as well as step-by-step reductions in 
the growth of the capital stock and of employment. This slowdown of 
capital accumulation, along with a push by corporations to restore their 
rates of return by holding down wages, has reduced aggregate demand - a 
weakness that has long constituted the main barrier to growth in the 
advanced economies.

Governments, led by the US, have underwritten ever greater volumes of 
debt, through ever more baroque channels, to subsidise purchasing power. 
In the 70s and 80s they incurred continuously larger deficits to sustain 
growth. But since the mid-90s they have had to resort to more powerful 
and risky forms of stimulus to counter the tendency to stagnation, 
replacing the public deficits of traditional Keynesianism with the 
private deficits and asset inflation of what might be called asset-price 
Keynesianism - or, with equal accuracy, bubblenomics.

Despite his recent protestations to the contrary, none other than Alan 
Greenspan launched the experiment in the new macroeconomics, nurturing 
the great stock market run of the late 90s, after the attempts by the 
Clinton administration and the EU to wean the economy from its 
dependence on credit, via neoliberal budget balancing, were met by deep 
recessions in Europe and Japan, the jobless recovery in the US, and the 
Mexican peso crisis. As corporations and wealthy households enjoyed 
their growing paper wealth, they embarked on a record-breaking increase 
in borrowing, sustaining a powerful expansion of investment and 
consumption, the ill-fated "new economy" boom. However, the ascent of 
equity prices in defiance of falling profit rates and the escalation of 
overcapacity that resulted from accelerating investment prompted the 
crash and recession of 2000-01.

Undeterred, central banks turned again to the inflation of asset prices. 
By reducing real short-term interest rates to zero for three years, they 
facilitated an explosion of household borrowing that contributed to, and 
fed on, rocketing house prices. Inflated household wealth enabled 
increased consumer spending that, in turn, drove the expansion. Personal 
consumption plus residential investment accounted for 90-100% of the 
growth of GDP in the first five years of the current cycle. However, the 
housing sector alone was responsible for raising the growth of GDP by 
more than 40%, obscuring just how weak the recovery was.

The rise in demand revived the economy. But while consumers did their 
part, the same cannot be said for business, despite the incitement of 
unprecedented household borrowing. Focused on restoring profit rates, 
corporations unleashed a brutal offensive against workers. They 
increased productivity growth, not so much by investing in equipment as 
by cutting back on jobs and compelling employees to take up the slack. 
They held down wages as they squeezed more output per person, allowing 
them to appropriate an entirely unprecedented share of the increase that 
took place in net non-financial GDP.

Non-financial corporations have, then, raised their profit rates 
significantly, though still not back to the already reduced levels of 
the 90s. But by holding down job creation, investment and wages, they 
have held down the growth of aggregate demand, undermining their own 
incentive to expand. Instead, exploiting the cheapness of credit, they 
have devoted a record share of their resources to buying back their own 
shares, financing mergers and acquisitions, and paying dividends to 
stockholders - rather than expanding investment and creating new jobs.

Against this background of fundamental weakness in the real productive 
economy, the crisis set off by the collapse of the sub-prime mortgage 
market is indeed extremely threatening. Ben Bernanke - who replaced 
Greenspan as chairman of the US Federal Reserve - thus had little choice 
but to cut the cost of borrowing. The deflation of the housing bubble 
from its 2005 peak was already exerting pressure on consumer spending 
and residential construction, a problem that can be expected to worsen 
as house sales and prices plummet. Moreover, in view of their feeble 
response to one of the largest stimulus packages in history, 
corporations could hardly have been expected to take up the slack, and 
in fact had begun to reduce job growth even before the financial crisis hit.

Yet there is reason to doubt the efficacy of the Fed's reduced rates. 
How can consumers again rise to the occasion, when declining house 
prices increase saving, not spending? The consumption-led boom seems set 
to peter out. Will not the fall in the dollar that is bound to accompany 
the Fed's move force up longer-term rates, threatening to drive down 
asset prices and curtail real growth? How can lower borrowing costs 
reduce the massive mortgage security losses that cannot but result from 
the tide of defaults that has only just begun? There is little doubt 
that rough times are ahead: the expansion may end with both a whimper 
and a bang.

Robert Brenner is the author of The Economics of Global Turbulence

[EMAIL PROTECTED]


----- Original Message ----- 
From: John A Imani 
To: Ara Amirkhanian 
Cc: [email protected] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] ; [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Tuesday, September 25, 2007 6:30 PM
Subject: Re: [LAAMN] FW: Greenspan Confronted!!


Thanks for this.   The sight of the young people confronting this pompous troll 
and the only avowed socialist in the Senate Bernie Saunders (IND-VT) taking 
Greenspan to task ("Mr Greenspan, I have long been concerned that you are way 
out of touch...") with a litany of charges for which the 'great man' could have 
no answers was thrilling.  The government of the United States, with the 
passage of the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Reserve_Act ,
gave over control of its money supply to a team of bankers with a peculiarly 
powerful chairmanship.  Mr Greenspan, a self-described "libertarian Republican" 
(little 'l', big 'R'), an econo-politic description fully 90% of the population 
would not describe themselves as, as chairman was able to initaite and carry 
out neo-liberal economic policy through increasingly desperate monetary 
measures at the first sign of capitalism's problems:  manufacturing and 
production down, inflate the stock martket: stock market down, inflate the 
housing bubble; housing down, inflate the monetary supply (this last under 
Bernanke, a Greenspan wannabe.)  Side by side with George W Bush's increase of 
a military bubble already inflated by the policies of Clinton, Bush I and Regan 
has helped an ailing capitalism stumbling into its old age but only at the cost 
of making each successive bubble/burst that much the worse.



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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