South Africa's silent war in Iraq --Apartheid-era hired guns drawn by money

By Paul Salopek

Chicago Tribune      October 7, 2007

PRETORIA, South Africa

Andre Durant, a burly policeman from this leafy African capital, was
kidnapped 10 months ago by unidentified gunmen in Iraq. Apart from one brief
phone call, in which Durant managed to shout a strangled "I love you" to his
wife, he hasn't been heard from since.

Yet there are no yellow ribbons trimming Durant's quiet suburban Pretoria
house, as hopeful ribbons might adorn the home of a U.S. soldier missing in
Iraq. There has been no drumbeat of sympathetic news coverage about his
case, as one would expect when a local man gets sucked into a global story
in the world's most notorious war zone. Indeed, Durant's family, like the
families of three other South Africans who were snatched with Durant in a
Baghdad ambush in December, has maintained an anguished and puzzling silence
for the better part of a year.

And in that hush lies a clue to this African nation's murky and angst-ridden
participation in America's military adventure in the Middle East: Durant is
one of thousands of South African police officers and soldiers, most of them
white veterans of the old apartheid regime, who have left their jobs to work
as private security contractors in Iraq -- a semiclandestine exodus of hired
guns that has alternately embarrassed and alarmed the pacifist government
here.

"Maybe in the States soldiers' wives can talk about these things to ease
their loss," said Lourika Durant, who has kept a low profile for months not
only to safeguard negotiations for her kidnapped husband's release, but
because of the stigma attached to operatives who freelance in a war deeply
unpopular in South Africa. "Here we must suffer alone, without making
waves."

The Sept. 16 killings of up to 11 Iraqi civilians by guards from the
security firm Blackwater USA have rekindled intense debate in the U.S. over
the propriety of outsourcing security responsibilities in Iraq to scores of
private companies. But the acrimony in America can't begin to match the
political hand-wringing that surrounds the issue in South Africa.

Sensitive to its apartheid-era reputation for exporting soldiers of fortune
to wars across Africa, the young, black-led government in Pretoria recently
drafted the harshest anti-mercenary bill in the world, a measure that would
criminalize virtually all of its citizens working in Iraq.

And as the war grinds through its fifth year, there is growing concern that
Iraq's drain on skilled police and military personnel may be crippling the
nation's elite security services. Local media reports warn that tactical
police units in major cities are being thinned by the stampede of officers
to Baghdad. And a former South African military officer who runs his own
security firm conceded that most of the nation's best special forces
trainers now are on the U.S. contracting payroll in Iraq.

South Africa's national police force, meanwhile, has begun offering its most
experienced staff monthly bonuses of about $900, in part to stanch the
flight of talent.

"We don't deny that there has been an exodus," said Selby Bokaba, a police
spokesman. "We simply can't compete with the obscene salaries that our
officers are being offered in Iraq."

Wages for private contractors who work as bodyguards, convoy escorts and oil
field security workers in Iraq average about $10,000 a month -- more than 10
times the pay of a South African army or police captain.

Up to 10,000 in Iraq

Nobody knows how many South Africans have signed up for such hazardous duty.
The foreign affairs ministry puts the number as high as 10,000, though
industry experts and U.S. contracting firms say the figure is far smaller,
more like 2,000 to 3,000 men. Still, even the lower estimate would make
South Africans the third-largest contingent of armed foreigners deployed in
Iraq after Washington's closest military ally, Britain.

A Blackwater spokeswoman, Anne Tyrrell, said no South Africans were
currently employed by her security firm in Iraq. She said the company's main
contract, guarding State Department officials, requires a U.S. security
clearance. Industry sources said most of South Africa's guns for hire rent
their services to British companies, or U.S. companies with strong South
African ties.

Their presence in Iraq certainly isn't new. Beefy South Africans armed with
submachine guns were guarding Washington's first proconsul, Jay Garner,
within days of Saddam Hussein's fall. Up to 30 of its citizens have died in
Iraq, the South African government says.

"The Americans like us because we're well-trained and used to working in
rustic conditions," said Alex de Witt, who spent 18 months in Iraq
protecting construction sites run by KBR, the U.S. engineering giant. "But
there's a political cost to going. The government here doesn't like it."

The root of that distrust dates to the mid-1990s, when thousands of white
officers abandoned South Africa's security agencies during the transition
from apartheid to majority black rule. Many unemployed soldiers and police
joined private security companies that became embroiled in African wars from
Angola to Sierra Leone.

In 2004, more than 60 South Africans -- in this case mostly black veterans
of a covert unit that once fought in the apartheid government's border
wars -- were arrested on allegations that they plotted to invade oil-rich
Equatorial Guinea. That incident prompted one exasperated South African
minister to label her country "a cesspool of mercenaries," and Parliament
tightened existing anti-mercenary rules to make it all but impossible for
South Africans to work in conflict zones overseas. The new bill has been
awaiting President Thabo Mbeki's signature for months.

"It may never be signed into law because it will be challenged in court,"
said Sabelo Gumedze, a military analyst at the Institute for Security
Studies, a Pretoria think tank. "Its definition of mercenary is so broad
that even private humanitarian groups working in war zones would be
affected."

Still, the mere threat of a tough new law has driven South Africa's shadowy
community of Iraq contractors even further underground than it already was.
Indeed, While Fiji, Nepal, Colombia and other nations supply large
contingents of guards to the U.S. war effort somewhat openly, gaining access
to South Africa's army of private soldiers can seem like infiltrating a
secret fraternity.

"I've got a letter of commendation from Gen. Petraeus," said Hendrik, a
33-year-old ex-policeman, referring to praise he received from the senior
U.S. commander in Iraq, Gen. David Petraeus, for his work training Iraqi
police. "I'm probably the only South African with one, but that's not
something you talk about in South Africa."

Like most contractors who agreed to be interviewed for this article, he
asked that his full name not be used for fear of future legal repercussions
under the anti-mercenary act.

Desperation cracks silence

That silence is cracking, however, with the case of the so-called "Baghdad
Four," the South African men, including policeman Durant, who were abducted
while escorting a food convoy through a phony Iraqi police checkpoint north
of Baghdad. Desperation has driven the four families to speak out about
their sense of isolation.

"I didn't even know what Shiites and Sunnis were," said Durant's wife,
Lourika, 36, naming the two dominant Muslim sects battling for power in
Iraq. "I think South Africans should think very hard before going there. I
don't care what they earn. It really isn't worth it."

She said her 6-year-old son, Xandre, had recently packed a bag and announced
he was going to Iraq to look for his father. The night before, she added, he
declared that he wanted to die.

"We need a support network in South Africa because we're on our own," said
Daniel Brink, 38, who worked as a bodyguard for the U.S. security company
DynCorp. "Our guys have no way to deal with the bossies" -- the Afrikaans
term for post-traumatic stress disorder, he said. "When I first saw my wife,
I told her to leave me. I didn't even want her to see me."

A bluff, wheelchair-bound man who owns an SUV with vanity plates that
proclaim "Baghdad," Brink lost a leg and fingers in 2005 to a mine that
exploded under his armored vehicle in Baqouba, a hotbed of the Iraqi
insurgency. Since returning to South Africa, he has been trying to encourage
his wounded colleagues to apply for U.S. worker's compensation under the
U.S. Defense Base Act, which applies to all workers, American or foreign,
who are subcontracted in war zones by Washington.

As he met one recent afternoon with another ex-contractor in suburban
Pretoria, there unfolded a scene that could happen only in South Africa.

The house's resident, Deon Gouws, is a former police sergeant who had
received an amnesty under South Africa's famed Truth and Reconciliation
Commission for human-rights abuses, including assassinations, he committed
under the old apartheid regime.

Now he was one of the few public voices warning his countrymen about the
dangers of Iraq. Gouws' right arm, left eye and toes were blown away by a
suicide bomber who had driven an explosives-packed ambulance into his
Baghdad hotel. Brink was advising him on how to file for U.S. worker's
compensation.

"I'll buy a farm if I can collect on my claim," said Gouws, 45, an unlucky
man who has survived a mugger's bullet and a train collision since returning
to South Africa. "But I don't recommend this method of getting a farm to
anyone else."

There may be little need.

According to security industry experts, the golden era of freelance work in
Iraq may wane as Iraqi companies take over in the wake of the Blackwater
shootings and as the U.S. draws down its troops.

Still, as several South African contractors said, there is always
Afghanistan.

http://fairuse.100webcustomers.com/fairenough/trib38.html

***

Columbus exposed as iron-fisted tyrant who tortured his slaves

By Graham Keeley in Barcelona

The Independent" -- -- 07/22/06 "

Christopher Columbus was a despot who ruled his subjects with an iron fist,
according to documents which have emerged 500 years after his death.

The man who discovered America for Europe routinely tortured slaves and
starved his subjects in colonies on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola.

Columbus was known to have mistreated native people when he was viceroy in
Santo Domingo, the capital of today's Dominican Republic, at the end of the
15th century. But until now it had been put down to his lack of political
sensitivity.

The documents suggest a hidden face to the man who, after arriving in the
Caribbean in 1492, fell from grace eight years later because of his conduct
in Santo Domingo. In 1500, Columbus was brought back from the city as a
prisoner on the orders of the Spanish monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, to
stand trial.

Statements from 23 witnesses at his trial were uncovered at the archive of
Simanacas, near Valladolid, by an archivist, Isabel Aguirre, who spent a
year transcribing them.

Consuelo Varela, a historian in Seville, has studied the documents and
believes it is the most important discovery about Columbus's life for a
century. Her research, which appears in La Caida de Cristobal Colon (The
Fall of Christopher Columbus), reveals the brutal life in the first colony
which Columbus set up.

Varela told the Spanish daily El Pais: "Life in the colony in these first
seven years was hard and terrible. There was a great deal of hunger, envy,
rancour and rumours of all sorts. It was a primitive, insular life, rather
like what we see in Western films."She said people, including white Spanish
slaves, were auctioned in the main square of Santo Domingo. "We hear of a
poor boy who was caught stealing wheat grain. They cut off his ears and nose
and put shackles on him and made him a slave. Columbus ran the colony with
an iron fist.

"One woman happened to say that Columbus came from a working-class family
and that his father had been a weaver. Columbus's brother Bartholme had her
tongue cut out, after parading her naked through the streets on a donkey.
Christopher congratulated his brother on defending the family honour."

There were many attempts at mutiny in the colony, she said.

The 46-page document shows Columbus and his brothers Bartolme and Diego as
tyrants who ruled through summary justice. They also forbade natives from
baptism so they could used as slaves. Varela said the documents showed
Columbus's "immense greed". He was eventually arrested, tried and dismissed
as viceroy of Santo Domingo and governor of the Indies.

"Now we know why he was removed from office and the good reasons for it,"
she said. "Nobody likes to air dirty laundry, but this is what the document
shows."

The exposure has already provoked an angry reaction. Critics say some of the
accounts may have come from enemies of Columbus, who were out to damage his
reputation. But other accounts come from members of his own close group,
even trusted friends. "Even they told of the atrocities that happened," said
Varela. "Columbus's government was tyrannical, with no trials or anything
similar."

The revelations come as the world marks the 500th anniversary of Columbus'
death in 1506. DNA investigations on his descendants are under way in
several countries finally to pinpoint the explorer's birthplace, usually
attributed to Genoa in Italy. A result is expected later this year.

© 2006 Independent News and Media Limited
__________________________________________________________________________________

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                        Director : Abie Dawjee
P O Box 26119, Isipingo Beach, Durban, South Africa 4115.
tel: 0027 31 9029174.                       fax: 0866893206.
mobile: 082 352 352 6                 e-mail : [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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