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source: Leonard Mcneil

>http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?aid=672&printable=1
>
        Smokescreen
Activists say a black anti-immigration movement is gathering steam. But 
it seems to be largely the creation of white people.
by Brentin Mock

         
                
        
en Español <http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?aid=699>

LAS VEGAS, Nev. -- Terry Anderson is on stage in Vegas, telling a fable 
about a donkey on a bridge.

"Everybody's doing everything they can to coax [the donkey] with sugar 
and carrots, but they can't get him to move. Some guy walks up and says, 
'You've got to use kindness.' The other guy says, 'Show me.' So the 
[first] guy picks up a two-by-four and busts the donkey in the head. The 
donkey gets up and walks off. The other guy says, 'But you said use 
kindness.' The guy says, 'Yeah, but you got to get his attention.'"

In Anderson's mind, the bridge is America, and the donkey represents the 
millions of Mexicans who need to be whacked in the head, not offered the 
sugar and carrots of guest worker programs and earned paths to 
citizenship. Fuming about congressmen who support such programs, he 
says, "Not one of those people has ever had his wife walk by a 
construction site and get heckled by some Mexican grabbing his crotch, 
and usually a small crotch."

It's the second day of the second annual "Unite to Fight" conference, a 
Memorial Day weekend gathering of anti-immigration hard-liners. Earlier, 
as speaker after speaker railed off venomous rants about Mexican 
invaders, Reconquista and Aztlan (conspiracy theories about alleged 
Mexican plans to reconquer the southwestern United States), Anderson sat 
with his wife in the shadows of the back row of the Cashman Center 
auditorium. But now that it's his turn on the mic, the roly-poly, 
bow-tied orator is lighting up his audience of 200 or so mostly 
middle-aged and elderly white guys, who clap harder, stand longer, and 
whistle louder for Anderson than for anyone else on the agenda. This 
might have something to do with the fact that Anderson is one of only a 
tiny handful of African-Americans at this predominately white conference 
-- and the only black speaker. The implied message of his presence and 
enthusiastic reception is crystal clear: "How can we be racist? Our 
beloved keynote speaker is black."

In recent months, Anderson and a smattering of other African-American 
anti-immigration activists, most notably longtime Los Angeles homeless 
activist Ted Hayes (see interviews 
<http://www.splcenter.org/intel/intelreport/article.jsp?aid=673> with 
both men), have become the front men for a campaign orchestrated and 
funded by white anti-immigration leaders. The campaign aims to convert 
black Americans to their cause, and simultaneously to provide groups 
like the Minuteman Project and the Federation for American Immigration 
Reform (FAIR) with cover against accusations of racism.

Beyond putting a black face in the spotlight as often as possible at 
rallies and conventions like Unite to Fight, this effort also consists 
of the new FAIR front group, Choose Black America -- a supposedly 
nationwide coalition of black business and community leaders spreading 
the message that "mass illegal immigration has been the single greatest 
impediment to black advancement in this country over the past 25 years."

"The danger here is [black activists] being co-opted by a group who may 
not have the African-American community's best interests in mind," says 
Shayla Nunnally, a black professor at the University of Connecticut and 
co-author of a Duke University study on Latino immigrants' attitudes 
towards blacks. "It goes back to minorities fighting minorities, while 
fighting the overall oppression isn't being addressed."

Strange Bedfellows
Terry Anderson comes off like a true believer in the old Arab proverb, 
"The enemy of my enemy is my friend" -- even if that friend looks a lot 
like a white supremacist.

In Vegas, Anderson shares the lectern with Rick Oltman, who in addition 
to being the western states regional coordinator for FAIR has spoken at 
several major events put on by the white supremacist Council of 
Conservative Citizens (CCC) and who was described by the CCC as a member 
in 1998. During his speech, Oltman drops the name of Brenda Walker, a 
regular contributor to the racist website VDARE.com who, among other 
things, has described Hmong refugees living in the United States as 
"drug-addicted polygamists."

Oltman's comments are tame in comparison to Anderson's diatribe, a rant 
in which he rages about public schools being "infected with illegal 
alien children, who are dumb and stupid in two languages." Anderson also 
presides over a posthumous tribute to Madeleine Cosman, an attorney who 
was a popular figure on the immigrant-bashing lecture circuit until her 
death last March. At the Las Vegas summit, Anderson praises Cosman's 
legacy, then introduces a screening of the pseudo-documentary "Illegal 
Aliens & America's Medicine," which features Cosman's alarmist claim 
that Mexican immigrants are spreading dengue fever, Kawasaki disease, 
and various sexually transmitted diseases, especially to their many 
alleged rape victims. Speaking from beyond the grave, Cosman says, "Most 
of these bastards molest girls under 12, though some specialize in boys, 
and some in nuns."

Four months before she died, Cosman was a guest on the "The Terry 
Anderson Show," the weekly Sunday night radio pulpit from which Anderson 
preaches the need for black Americans to get angry about illegal 
immigration, to listen to white "experts" like Cosman, and to join 
forces with groups like the Minuteman Project and FAIR. Essentially, 
Anderson wants to shut down the border while tearing down the walls 
between urban, working-class blacks and far-right whites, at least until 
the country is cleansed of illegal immigrants, who both he and Ted Hayes 
argue present a far greater threat to blacks in America than racist whites.

The way Anderson tells it, black Americans simply do not have a choice: 
"If we don't fix this and put other problems to the side, then, man, we 
gone," he says in an interview with the Intelligence Report.

While Anderson's stated aim is to amass a black following, he wasn't 
known to most blacks outside California, where he lives in South Central 
Los Angeles, until he affiliated with the white leaders of the Minuteman 
Project. By his own description, most of his radio show's nationwide 
listening audience is white. He reaches more blacks with his frequent 
appearances on "Urban Policy Roundtable," a weekly TV program in 
California hosted by African-American columnist Earl Ofari Hutchinson, 
than he does with his own show.

"I'm the only one that's really given Terry a platform to come in and 
talk about these issues with a black audience," says Hutchinson. "So, he 
can't go anywhere else, except with white folks."

It's white folks who have paraded Anderson all over the country in the 
past year, financing his appearances at the Unite to Fight convention in 
Las Vegas, a Minuteman Project summit in Arlington Heights, Ill., and a 
Capitol Hill rally where Anderson warmed up the crowd for 
anti-immigration hard-liner and U.S. Rep. Tom Tancredo (R-Colo.), among 
other events. When officials at white-dominated FAIR needed black 
figureheads for their front group, they knew Anderson was their man. He 
signed on as a founding member of Choose Black America (CBA), along with 
10 other activists, academics, clergymen, and entrepreneurs.

The formation of CBA was announced at a FAIR-sponsored press conference 
last May at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C. To date, that 
press conference is the only verifiable action CBA has taken. It 
otherwise seems to exist only as a website and a public relations gambit.

"The African Americans they brought there were just to put a black face 
on their position," says Hutchinson, who, unlike Anderson and Hayes, 
declined an offer to join CBA. "These blacks had no other further use. 
[FAIR] got what they wanted, so why would they have meetings [of the 
CBA]? Why would they create an organization? These individuals are so 
loosely affiliated, what kind of organization are you going to form out 
of that?"

FAIR Trade
CBA is billed as a "coalition of business, academic and community 
leaders" who believe that "Blacks, in particular, have lost economic 
opportunities, seen their kids' schools flooded with non-English 
speaking students, and felt the socio-economic damage of illegal 
immigration more acutely than any other group." It's portrayed as a 
grassroots organization, but it hardly sprang from the community. Tiny 
type at the bottom of CBA's home page reads, "A project of FAIR."

That is not a new tactic for the best-known anti-immigration 
organization in the United States. Other, similar front groups set up by 
FAIR include the Coalition for the Future of the American Worker, which 
claims to be a coalition of blue-collar groups, and You Don't Speak for 
Me ("American Latino Voices Speaking Out Against Illegal Immigration"), 
the Hispanic version of CBA.

Though he's critical of CBA, Earl Ofari Hutchinson is no open-borders 
advocate. Several times this year in his Pasadena Weekly column, 
Hutchinson has written about black frustration with illegal immigration 
and has even warned of the potential dangers Latino immigration presents 
to black Americans. "The leap in Latino voting strength and the likely 
prospect that Democrats and Republicans can bag even more voters from 
the rising number of legal and illegal immigrants comes at a bad time 
for black politicians," Hutchinson wrote last April, about a month 
before the CBA press conference.

Hutchinson tells the Intelligence Report that not long after that column 
came out, FAIR offered to fly him to D.C. and put him up in a nice hotel 
if he would join their press conference, pose for a photo, and agree to 
be identified as a founding member of CBA. Hutchinson said no. "They 
assumed that essentially I was on their team, and I would be an 
effective advocate for their point of view as an African-American 
spokesperson," Hutchinson says. He rejected the offer, he says, because 
of FAIR's ties to white supremacist groups and because he didn't want to 
be associated with the anti-multiculturalism attitudes of FAIR founder 
John Tanton, who wrote of non-white immigration in 1986: "Will the 
present majority peaceably hand over its political power to a group that 
is simply more fertile? ... As Whites see their power and control over 
their lives declining, will they simply go quietly into the night? Or 
will there be an explosion?"

Terry Anderson has no such qualms about Tanton. In fact, records show 
that Anderson has received upwards of $10,000 from Tanton's U.S. Inc. to 
fund his radio show. "I know John Tanton. I've met him on many 
occasions," Anderson tells the Intelligence Report. "What somebody does 
in front of you and what they do behind you is always going to be two 
different things. I just know that he has founded an organization that 
is at the forefront of this problem and without them we would be a lot 
worse off. ... If Tanton is a racist and he says illegal immigration is 
wrong for this country, does that make his statement wrong? No."

Coalition of the Willing
Five of the 11 founding members of CBA were interviewed for this 
article. All but one said they had no idea who the other individuals in 
their "coalition" were before they arrived in D.C. for the press 
conference. James Clingman, a Cincinnati columnist and businessman, said 
that if he had known, he would have never shown up. "Choose Black 
America was just the banner under which we had a press conference," says 
Clingman, who writes on economics. "There are people involved [in CBA] 
who I am just diametrically opposed to, like [far-right Christian 
evangelical] Jesse Lee Peterson and those other neo-conservative, black 
so-called leaders."

Clingman says that with the exception of his personal friend, Claud 
Anderson, he has had no contact with any of the other CBA founders or 
with FAIR since the press conference. According to the rest of the CBA 
founders interviewed, there have been no meetings, no phone calls, and 
no other organizational advances since May.

The chairperson of CBA is identified in press materials as Frank Morris 
-- the same longtime FAIR member who in 2004 ran for the board of 
directors of the Sierra Club as part of a well-organized but ultimately 
unsuccessful attempt to convert the environmental powerhouse into an 
anti-immigration organization. Morris did not return three phone calls 
seeking comment for this story.

A primary FAIR aim in creating the CBA has been to convince black 
Americans that Latino immigrants will take their jobs or significantly 
depress their wages, despite a preponderance of evidence to the 
contrary. Even a study by Harvard economist George Borjas, widely 
considered an ally by anti-immigration forces, only showed a 
wage-lowering effect (and a modest one at that) on the least skilled and 
poorest educated workers, and many other scholars dispute that finding. 
A new study by the nonpartisan Pew Hispanic Center found "no apparent 
relationship between the growth of foreign workers with less education 
and the employment outcome of native workers with the same low level of 
education."

Such research doesn't sway the opinion of CBA founding member Claud 
Anderson. The president of PowerNomics, an inner-city development 
corporation, concedes that he went to the press conference knowing 
nothing about FAIR, but he says he came away a fervent FAIR supporter. 
The group, he says, is pushing the right agenda. "You got silly naïve 
black leadership who don't understand that those people [Latino 
immigrants] are not coming here to get along with black folks. They are 
coming here to compete with black folks."

Asked what the government should do about the estimated 12 million 
illegal immigrants now living in the U.S., Claud Anderson told the 
Intelligence Report: "Put their asses on the boat and send them back."


'You're Not Black'
FAIR isn't the only organization trying to put a black face on the 
anti-immigration movement. The Minuteman Civil Defense Corps (see Ruckus 
on the Right <http://www.splcenter.org/intel/news/item.jsp?aid=73>), an 
offshoot of the original "citizens border patrol" Minuteman Project, is 
now identified as "a project of the Declaration Alliance," a right-wing 
consortium led by African-American ultraconservative Alan Keyes, best 
known for his many failed runs on the Republican ticket for U.S. Senate 
and president. Keyes now speaks at Minuteman Civil Defense Corps events 
wearing a black cowboy hat.

Also, when Minuteman Project co-founder Jim Gilchrist kicked off his 
group's cross-country caravan to Washington, D.C., last May 3, he picked 
Leimert Park, a mostly black Los Angeles neighborhood, as the caravan's 
rallying point. Gilchrist brought out the Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson, 
African-American head of the right-wing, Christian fundamentalist 
Brotherhood Organization for a New Destiny, along with Ted Hayes, the 
black homeless advocate, to back him up.

The rally was supposed to be an invitation to Minuteman discipleship, 
but it didn't end in benediction. Faced by dozens of African-Americans 
calling Gilchrist a racist and labeling his black associates as 
"Sambos," Gilchrist dropped the friendly face. "Minutemen, stand your 
ground," he barked. Then, referring to a man leading chants against his 
followers, Gilchrist added, "If it's war he wants, then let it begin 
here," according to the Los Angeles Times.

"We confronted them and chased them out of our community with that 
racist nonsense," says Najee Ali, president of the Islamic H.O.P.E. 
civil rights organization in Los Angeles. "We wanted to let them know 
that they are not welcome in our community and we were offended they 
chose that as their departure point."

Ali's May confrontation with the Minutemen was neither his first nor his 
last. Throughout the summer Ali hosted a number of forums on black and 
Latino community relationships. They were sponsored in part by the 
Latino and African American Leadership Alliance, which lists as 
co-chairs Ali, the Rev. Al Sharpton and Christine Chavez, granddaughter 
of union activist César Chavez. Minutemen, both black and white, showed 
up to heckle panel members -- including California state assemblymen and 
Los Angeles City Council members -- and to intimidate the audience.

"At first I didn't get why they were there," says Anike Tourse, a 
panelist at one of Ali's forums representing the Coalition for Humane 
Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles. "The panel wasn't about immigration, it 
was about relationships between blacks and Latinos. But they made sure 
it [immigration] came up."

During her presentation, Tourse said Minutemen sat in the front rows 
making distracting noises and "a big scene."

One of the black Minutemen, adds panelist Xiomara Corpeno, "went up at 
Ali and said, "You sold out your people. You don't represent black 
people. You're not black."

Hard evidence shows it is the black Minutemen, however, who don't 
represent mainstream black thought on the topic of immigration. Several 
major polls show that most African Americans favor the U.S. Senate's 
Kennedy-McCain bill, which would allow many undocumented workers to stay 
in America and eventually earn citizenship. Most mainstream civil rights 
groups, including the NAACP and the Urban League, have come out in 
support of Latino immigrants. Historically black colleges and 
universities have aggressively begun recruiting Latinos, who have an 86% 
high school graduation rate, according to a recent Pew Hispanic Center 
study.

Sheila Jackson Lee, an African-American congresswoman from Texas, has 
called the immigrant rights movement "the civil rights issue of our time."

But for Ted Hayes, it's not that. It's "the greatest threat to U.S. 
black citizens since slavery."

Pawns in Their Game
Tall and gangly, Hayes dresses in robes and wears a mane of dreadlocks 
underneath an African kufi. Around his neck hangs a Black Hebrew 
Israelite pentagram. Hayes was a black-power advocate in the early 
1980s, before he became an activist for the homeless, and you won't hear 
him endorsing white supremacist websites. But he considers himself a 
Minuteman, and has named his own anti-immigration spinoff group the 
Crispus Attucks Brigade, after a black man who was first person killed 
in the Boston Massacre carried out by colonial Britain.

And that led to his showing up at a recent rally and marching 
side-by-side with a woman named Barbara Coe, founder and leader of the 
California Coalition for Immigration Reform. Coe, Hayes enthuses, is "a 
great lady."

Coe is also a self-described member and repeat guest speaker of the 
Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC), a white supremacist group that 
has described blacks as "a retrograde species of humanity" and once 
compared pop singer Michael Jackson to a chimpanzee.

"That just shows Ted's ignorance," says Najee Ali, adding that Hayes has 
"no constituency" in the black community. "He aligned himself to be used 
as a pawn."

Adds Hutchinson: "Ted and Terry -- other than immigration, they don't 
have any following. They have none. They are considered, out here in Los 
Angeles, a joke."

But in the world of the national anti-immigration movement, Anderson and 
Hayes are major players. The vitriol they spit out about Mexicans has 
the same incendiary tone as the rhetoric that some black nationalists 
and Nation of Islam leaders have in the past directed at whites. Now, 
black activists like Anderson and Hayes are using that same provocative, 
indicting tone to pick on someone their own size: Latinos, who according 
to the last census have just edged out blacks as the largest minority in 
the United States. They say it's Hispanics who are now oppressing black 
communities -- by depressing wages, taking jobs and killing blacks in 
the streets, schools and prisons. Explains Terry Anderson, "The 'white 
man' we're fighting is the Mexicans."

On stage in Vegas, Anderson pardons the entire white race on behalf of 
the four other blacks in the audience. "White folks weren't always fair 
to my people. But we forgive and forget." He then calls Latinos "the 
most racist people I have ever seen in my life," and goes on to mock the 
idea that "Mexicans do jobs Americans won't do," reeling off a litany of 
blue-collar jobs he would gladly do: drywalling, roofing, washing cars. 
"I will even pick cotton," he says. Then he pauses a beat, as if 
realizing what he's just said. "Nah, I ain't pickin no cotton!"

The audience laughs in approval of Anderson's jolly oratory. He ends 
with the popular call-and-response catchphrase, delivered in the dialect 
of South Central Los Angeles, that marks his radio show: "If you ain't 
mad..."

The audience, well-schooled in following this black man, shouts back as 
one: "Then you ain't payin' attention!"

Anderson exits the stage to a standing, cheering ovation and makes his 
way up the aisle, giving high fives as he goes. He spots his wife, still 
sitting in the dark in the far back row, and resumes his place in the 
shadows.


Intelligence Report
Fall 2006

 



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