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http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2008-01/28pilger.cfm

==================================

ZNet Commentary
Suharto, The Model Killer, And His Friends In High Places January 28, 2008
By John Pilger

In my film Death of a Nation, there is a sequence filmed on board an
Australian aircraft flying over the island of Timor. A party is in progress,
and two men in suits are toasting each other in champagne. "This is an
historically unique moment," says one of them, "that is truly uniquely
historical." This is Gareth Evans, Australia's foreign minister. The other
man is Ali Alatas, principal mouthpiece of the Indonesian dictator, General
Suharto. It is 1989, and the two are making a grotesquely symbolic flight to
celebrate the signing of a treaty that allowed Australia and the
international oil and gas companies to exploit the seabed off East Timor,
then illegally and viciously occupied by Suharto. The prize, according to
Evans, was "zillions of dollars".

Beneath them lay a land of crosses: great black crosses etched against the
sky, crosses on peaks, crosses in tiers on the hillsides.  Filming
clandestinely in East Timor, I would walk into the scrub and there were the
crosses. They littered the earth and crowded the eye. In 1993, the Foreign
Affairs Committee of the Australian Parliament reported that "at least
200,000" had died under Indonesia's occupation: almost a third of the
population. And yet East Timor's horror, which was foretold and nurtured by
the US, Britain and Australia, was actually a sequel. "No single American
action in the period after 1945," wrote the historian Gabriel Kolko, "was as
bloodthirsty as its role in Indonesia, for it tried to initiate the
massacre." He was referring to Suharto's seizure of power in 1965-6, which
caused the violent deaths of up to a million people.

To understand the significance of Suharto, who died on Sunday, is to look
beneath the surface of the current world order: the so-called global economy
and the ruthless cynicism of those who run it. Suharto was our model mass
murderer - "our" is used here advisedly. "One of our very best and most
valuable friends," Thatcher called him, speaking for the West. For three
decades, the Australian, US and British governments worked tirelessly to
minimise the crimes of Suharto's gestapo, known as Kopassus, who were
trained by the Australian SAS and the British army and who gunned down
people with British-supplied Heckler and Koch machine guns from
British-supplied Tactica "riot control" vehicles. Prevented by Congress from
supplying arms direct, US administrations from Gerald Ford to Bill Clinton,
provided logistic support through the back door and commercial preferences.

In one year, the British Department of Trade provided almost a billion
pounds worth of so-called soft loans, which allowed Suharto buy Hawk
fighter-bombers. The British taxpayer paid the bill for aircraft that
dive-bombed East Timorese villages, and the arms industry reaped the
profits. However, the Australians distinguished themselves as the most
obsequious. In an infamous cable to Canberra, Richard Woolcott, Australia's
ambassador to Jakarta, who had been forewarned about Suharto's invasion of
East Timor, wrote: "What Indonesia now looks to from Australia …is some
understanding of their attitude and possible action to assist public
understanding in Australia …"

Covering up Suharto's crimes became a career for those like Woolcott, while
"understanding" the mass murderer came in buckets. This left an indelible
stain on the reformist government of Gough Whitlam following the
cold-blooded killing of two Australian TV crews by Suharto's troops during
the invasion of East Timor.  "We know your people love you," Bob Hawke told
the dictator. His successor, Paul Keating, famously regarded the tyrant as a
father figure. When Indonesian troops slaughtered at least 200 people in the
Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili, East Timor, and Australian mourners planted
crosses outside the Indonesian embassy in Canberra, foreign minister Gareth
Evans ordered them destroyed. To Evans, ever-effusive in his support for the
regime, the massacre was merely an "aberration".  This was the view of much
of the Australian press, especially that controlled by Rupert Murdoch, whose
local retainer, Paul Kelly, led a group of leading newspaper editors to
Jakarta, fawn before the dictator.

Here lies a clue as to why Suharto, unlike Saddam Hussein, died not on the
gallows but surrounded by the finest medical team his secret billions could
buy. Ralph McGehee, a senior CIA operations officer in the 1960s, describes
the terror of Suharto's takeover of Indonesia in 1965-6 as "the model
operation" for the American-backed coup that got rid of Salvador Allende in
Chile seven years later. "The CIA forged a document purporting to reveal a
leftist plot to murder Chilean military leaders," he wrote, "[just like]
what happened in Indonesia in 1965." The US embassy in Jakarta supplied
Suharto with a "zap list" of Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) members and
crossed off the names when they were killed or captured. Roland Challis, the
BBC's south east Asia correspondent at the time, told me how the British
government was secretly involved in this slaughter.  "British warships
escorted a ship full of Indonesian troops down the Malacca Straits so they
could take part in the terrible holocaust," he said. "I and other
correspondents were unaware of this at the time …. There was a deal, you
see."

The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard Nixon
had called "the richest hoard of natural resources, the greatest prize in
south-east Asia". In November 1967, the greatest prize was handed out at a
remarkable three-day conference sponsored by the Time-Life Corporation in
Geneva. Led by David Rockefeller, all the corporate giants were represented:
the major oil companies and banks, General Motors, Imperial Chemical
Industries, British American Tobacco, Siemens and US Steel and many others.
Across the table sat Suharto's US-trained economists who agreed to the
corporate takeover of their country, sector by sector. The Freeport company
got a mountain of copper in West Papua. A US/ European consortium got the
nickel. The giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia's
bauxite. America, Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of
Sumatra. When the plunder was complete, President Lyndon Johnson sent his
congratulations on "a magnificent story of opportunity seen and promise
awakened". Thirty years later, with the genocide in East Timor also
complete, the World Bank described  the Suharto dictatorship as a "model
pupil".

Shortly before he died, I interviewed Alan Clark, who under Thatcher was
Britain's minister responsible for supplying Suharto with most of his
weapons.  I asked him, "Did it bother you personally that you were causing
such mayhem and human suffering?"

"No, not in the slightest," he replied. "It never entered my head."   "I ask
the question because I read you are a vegetarian and are seriously concerned
with the way animals are killed."

"Yeah?"

"Doesn't that concern extend to humans?"

"Curiously not."

***

From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

Stimulus Deal: the Bane of Bipartisanship
By Robert Borosage
January 25th, 2008 - 7:18am ET
http://www.ourfuture.org/blog-entry/stimulus-deal-bane-bipartisanship

Barbara Ehrenreich memorably called the talk about the
stimulus "clitoral economics." And that was before we
got screwed.

The stimulus deal just announced is being praised more
for its existence than its content. Much lamented
partisan bickering was overcome; bipartisan cooperation
that got it done. With Wall Street bankers in panic,
better something than nothing. So the parties came
together and split the difference and created an
agreement (which still has to survive the minefield
called the U.S. Senate).

It's worth taking a look under the hood. Despite
approval ratings rivaling those of Idi Amin, President
Bush set the terms: Tax cuts only. No spending on public
works (that is, nothing for stuff we need that actually
puts people to work). No increase in food stamps. No
strengthening of our tattered unemployment system. (That
is, no money to those who we know will spend it on basic
needs). Must include a big package of business tax
breaks (tax write-offs for investments that would be
made anyway, according to any reputable economic study).
No money for states that are about to be forced to cut
billions to balance their budgets, largely by cutting
education and Medicaid spending and deferring basic
infrastructure spending. (Remember the bridge that
collapsed in Minneapolis or the sewage valve that shut
down lower Manhattan?)

Democrats, despite having the majority in both Houses,
accepted those terms. They demanded, sensibly enough,
that the tax cuts include 45 million in low-income
families that the president would have excluded. They
demanded the president take extending his tax cuts
beyond 2010 off the table. They got some help for
imperiled homeowners through the Federal Housing
Authority and Fannie Mae.

So only $40 billion of the $150 billion package gets
squandered on business tax boondoggles. The rebates -
what Jesse Jackson calls Wal-Mart gift certificates -
will get handed out by August at best. It might help a
bit, although if the economy is still in bad shape in
August, people are more likely to be paying down credit-
card debt than buying a new TV made in China.

But $40 billion isn't the largest cost. The real price
is the continued misdirection of the economy and
miseducation of the country.

We need what the stimulus package excludes. We need long
term investment in rebuilding America - spending money
on mass transit, on basic sewers and water disposal, on
the electric grid, on renewable energy, on a green
rebuilding of our urban areas, on schools and teachers,
pre-K and affordable college. We need to stop
squandering money abroad in misbegotten wars - now
approaching $1 trillion spent on Iraq. We need to revive
progressive taxation so at the very least hedge fund
billionaires stop enjoying a lower tax rate than their
secretaries. We need to develop a national strategy for
the global economy, ending our addiction to oil, curbing
the casino speculation that will eventually bring down
the house, and balancing our trade with the mercantilist
nations while capturing the new green industries of the
future.

None of this, needless to say, is in the stimulus
package. Instead we're taught the wrong lessons: tax
cuts are good, particularly business tax breaks; lower
interest rates are a free lunch; the "fundamentals," as
the president constantly says, "are good."

In fact, the foundation in crumbling. A fundamental
change of economic strategy and priorities is vital. And
the economic titillation of this bipartisan "stimulus"
package will benefit the politicians with their press
far more than the economy with its perils.







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