Hi.  As usual, today's Democracy Now presents the most comprehensive,
best analysis of the crisis.  We're now collectively experiencing and aware
of many dimensions of life and governance, as a nation. The guests are
Rob Johnson, former chief economist of the senate banking committee
and a mortgage specialist who clearly represents Main St.  The dialogue
is respectul, incisive and heartfelt.  A rare occasion.  Listen.

Ed

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20081013/greider3

Bailout Rejection Sends out Financial Shockwaves,

But It's Also an Invigorating Moment for Democracy

By William Greider,
TheNation.com: September 30, 2008.

Bowing to public outrage, the House rejected the bailout and Wall Street
swoons. The political bedlam in Washington is as real as it gets.

All of the political leaders blessed the deal, but the House of
Representatives spit it out anyway. The Wall Street bailout is so odious to
public opinion, the "people's house" rejected it today, 228-205. The fever
chart in Wall Street -- better known as the stock market -- swooned
instantly, with the Dow falling 700 points.

The party leaders will probably try again. I doubt they have the energy or
courage to renegotiate the terms in any serious way. A majority of Democrats
voted for the measure, but most Republicans took a walk. They will be
scolded -- and pounded by captains of industry and finance -- for being
"irresponsible." But I doubt the public will agree.

In all of elected Washington, representatives are closest to the people and
they know a vote for this outrageous measure is going to end the careers of
some colleagues -- maybe many of them. This time, the dissenters can claim
principle and say they are voting with the folks, while also voting to save
their own hides.

It adds another deep shock to the system, both in politics and economics,
but what an invigorating moment for democracy.

The financial bloodbath will continue, but unless the deal on the table
changes significantly, Henry Paulson gets to decide who lives and who dies.
The former investment banker from Goldman Sachs would be empowered as
treasury secretary to play savior or grim reaper, the liquidator who
essentially pulls the plug on some banks and financial firms or the man who
rescues them from ruin. Of course, Paulson would consult with other
government officials. But you can be sure that, behind closed doors, he will
ask former brethren in Wall Street to help decide which club members are
worthy of saving. This power to pick winners and losers would remain in
Paulson's hands until a new president arrives in January.

This the essence of "the deal" Congress worked out over the weekend and was
stymied today. Some bells and whistles were added to make the transaction
less obnoxious to public opinion, voters and taxpayers. They are not
meaningless, but both parties lacked the nerve to tamper with Paulson's
basic proposal. This is still a massive bailout of imploding Wall Street,
financed with the public's money. And it is still a massive crap shoot for
the American people.

If the billions from Washington somehow restore temporary calm and balance
to global financial institutions and markets, then the usual cheerleaders
will proclaim the "system" has worked. Most Americans, I predict, will not
join the cheering. Too much destruction lies ahead, both in the financial
system and in the real economy where people live and work. Too much
bitterness and rage will be attached to the White Knight at Treasury when he
dooms one pension fund or bank, but rescues others. Too much deceptive
sleight-of-hand is already embedded in Paulson's approach for ordinary
mortals to even recognize what Paulson intends to accomplish.

The essential political failure, in my view, is that Congress did not step
up and assert the full emergency powers of government in this epic crisis,
that is, take temporary control of the entire financial and banking system
so regulators and policy makers can steer the US economy to safer ground,
compelling the private institutions to follow their lead. This rescue plan
remains essentially voluntary. Yes, the Treasury Secretary would be awarded
gargantuan personal powers, but there is not much in writing to compel the
banking behavior of private interests he chooses to rescue them. One assumes
Paulson will demand some private deals and use his enormous leverage to
squeeze anyone who resists. But there is nothing to guarantee this path is
taken. The bailout will belong to the club and the club will manage it.

Democrats are the majority party and insisted on some qualifying terms in
behalf of the populace--better than nothing, but weak half-steps. The
government can claim warrants or equity ownership from firms in exchange for
the public aid. It can put a lid on bloated executive salaries at the
rescued banks or brokerages. It can demand more up-close oversight of how
the Treasury Secretary performs. The language for all of these measures
suggests to me--I need to read the text again more carefully--that these are
essentially discretionary suggestions.

Paulson can do them if he chooses. Or, if he likes, he can wiggle around
them in the fine print. The Dems do not want to assert real control over
Paulson's decisions for fear they will then be blamed if and when everything
fails.

Republicans, as usual, are playing their own political game--trying to evade
the blame, now and later. Their proposal for an insurance program that
financial firms must pay for is ludicrous. It's like trying to buy hurricane
insurance on your house after the storm has already blown it away. But the
GOP already is in ruin, so its members are thinking long-term survival and
creating a predicate for revival. Blame the government, blame Wall Street,
blame the go-along Democrats--maybe people will start liking Republicans
again.

Democrats are still in recovery from twenty-five years of deferring
impotently to the wise men of Wall Street and retreating tactically from
conservative initiatives. I see this crisis as the Democrats' hesitant first
step toward rediscovering their nerve and abandoned convictions. They are
not there yet. But this crisis is not over. I predict they will get another
opportunity to stand up for something and rather soon.

In the nature of this crisis, the next president will be compelled to clean
up Paulson's irregular mess. He will be forced to act, not only because of
the rising popular anger and enveloping recession but because the Paulson
approach is founded on private deal-making and his deceptive statements of
purpose.

By January, whoever wins the White House, it will be clear that Washington
cannot cure the disease by relying on one smart guy from Wall Street. A new
federal agency will be needed to supervise the bailout and restore defined
public purposes and enforce them on the system. The government will have to
assert its powers forcefully, because by then it will be obvious the
"voluntary" approach helped some losers to become winners, but it neglected
to save the country.

***

<http://www.huffingtonpost.com/eugene-jarecki/lessons-of-the-fall-
ikes_b_129272.html>

Excerpts from Eisenhower speeches:

:Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired
signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not
fed, those who are cold and are not clothed...  The cost of one modern heavy
bomber is this: a modern brick school in  more than 30 cities.  It is two
electric power plants, each serving a town of 60,000 population.  It is two
fine, fully equipped hospitals.  It is some fifty miles of concrete
pavement.  We pay for a single fighter plane with a half million bushels of
wheat.  We pay for a single destroyer with new homes that could have housed
more than 8,000 people."


"Crises there will continue to be," Eisenhower declared in his farewell
warning. "In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small,
there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly
action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties."


It's impossible to read these words today and not see the Iraq war as a
"spectacular and costly" reaction to the crisis of 9/11 and Paulson's $700
billion blank check as a "miraculous solution" to our "current
difficulties."


For ultimately, Eisenhower understood that misguided national priorities
that place military expansion and unchecked cronyism above other vital
aspects of our national life condemn us to "destroy from within what we are
trying to protect from without." Instead, he argued, crises must be met not
by spectacular and costly exercises of radical governance but through a
consistent commitment to "balance in and among national programs." This
requires a holistic understanding of what makes a nation strong. For
Eisenhower understood that an uneducated country is an undefended country,
that a country without adequate health care is an undefended country, that a
country that bullies its friends in the international community is an
undefended country; and, above all, that a country in which corporate-
political corruption has compromised its people's faith in their leaders is
a country they will not fight for. Ultimately, that country - and the
principles on which it was founded -- cannot long endure.







------------------------------------

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