http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/12/opinion/12rich.html?th&emc=th

The Terrorist Barack Hussein Obama

"Doing nothing is not an option."

By FRANK RICH
NY Times Op-Ed: October 11, 2008

IF you think way back to the start of this marathon campaign, back when it
seemed preposterous that any black man could be a serious presidential
contender, then you remember the biggest fear about Barack Obama: a crazy
person might take a shot at him.

Some voters told reporters that they didn't want Obama to run, let alone
win, should his very presence unleash the demons who have stalked America
from Lincoln to King. After consultation with Congress, Michael Chertoff,
the homeland security secretary, gave Obama a Secret Service detail earlier
than any presidential candidate in our history - in May 2007, some eight
months before the first Democratic primaries.

"I've got the best protection in the world, so stop worrying," Obama
reassured his supporters. Eventually the country got conditioned to his
appearing in large arenas without incident (though I confess that the first
loud burst of fireworks at the end of his convention stadium speech gave me
a start). In America, nothing does succeed like success. The fear receded.

Until now. At McCain-Palin rallies, the raucous and insistent cries of
"Treason!" and "Terrorist!" and "Kill him!" and "Off with his head!" as well
as the uninhibited slinging of racial epithets, are actually something new
in a campaign that has seen almost every conceivable twist. They are alarms.

Doing nothing is not an option.

All's fair in politics. John McCain and Sarah Palin have every right to
bring up William Ayers, even if his connection to Obama is minor, even if
Ayers's Weather Underground history dates back to Obama's childhood, even if
establishment Republicans and Democrats alike have collaborated with the
present-day Ayers in educational reform. But it's not just the old Joe
McCarthyesque guilt-by-association game, however spurious, that's going on
here. Don't for an instant believe the many mindlessly "even-handed"
journalists who keep saying that the McCain campaign's use of Ayers is the
moral or political equivalent of the Obama campaign's hammering on Charles
Keating.

What makes them different, and what has pumped up the Weimar-like rage at
McCain-Palin rallies, is the violent escalation in rhetoric, especially
(though not exclusively) by Palin. Obama "launched his political career in
the living room of a domestic terrorist." He is "palling around with
terrorists" (note the plural noun). Obama is "not a man who sees America the
way you and I see America." Wielding a wildly out-of-context Obama quote,
Palin slurs him as an enemy of American troops.

By the time McCain asks the crowd "Who is the real Barack Obama?" it's no
surprise that someone cries out "Terrorist!" The rhetorical conflation of
Obama with terrorism is complete. It is stoked further by the repeated
invocation of Obama's middle name by surrogates introducing McCain and Palin
at these rallies. This sleight of hand at once synchronizes with the
poisonous Obama-is-a-Muslim e-mail blasts and shifts the brand of terrorism
from Ayers's Vietnam-era variety to the radical Islamic threats of today.

That's a far cry from simply accusing Obama of being a guilty-by-association
radical leftist. Obama is being branded as a potential killer and an
accessory to past attempts at murder. "Barack Obama's friend tried to kill
my family" was how a McCain press release last week packaged the remembrance
of a Weather Underground incident from 1970 - when Obama was 8.

We all know what punishment fits the crime of murder, or even potential
murder, if the security of post-9/11 America is at stake. We all know how
self-appointed "patriotic" martyrs always justify taking the law into their
own hands.

Obama can hardly be held accountable for Ayers's behavior 40 years ago, but
at least McCain and Palin can try to take some responsibility for the
behavior of their own supporters in 2008. What's troubling here is not only
the candidates' loose inflammatory talk but also their refusal to step in
promptly and strongly when someone responds to it with bloodthirsty threats
in a crowded arena. Joe Biden had it exactly right when he expressed concern
last week that "a leading American politician who might be vice president of
the United States would not just stop midsentence and turn and condemn
 that." To stay silent is to pour gas on the fires.

It wasn't always thus with McCain. In February he loudly disassociated
himself from a speaker who brayed "Barack Hussein Obama" when introducing
him at a rally in Ohio. Now McCain either backpedals with tardy, pro forma
expressions of respect for his opponent or lets second-tier campaign
underlings release boilerplate disavowals after ugly incidents like the
chilling Jim Crow-era flashback last week when a Florida sheriff ranted
about "Barack Hussein Obama" at a Palin rally while in full uniform.

>From the start, there have always been two separate but equal questions
about race in this election. Is there still enough racism in America to
prevent a black man from being elected president no matter what? And, will
Republicans play the race card? The jury is out on the first question until
Nov. 4. But we now have the unambiguous answer to the second: Yes.

McCain, who is no racist, turned to this desperate strategy only as Obama
started to pull ahead. The tone was set at the Republican convention, with
Rudy Giuliani's mocking dismissal of Obama as an "only in America"
affirmative-action baby. We also learned then that the McCain campaign had
recruited as a Palin handler none other than Tucker Eskew, the South
Carolina consultant who had worked for George W. Bush in the notorious 2000
G.O.P. primary battle where the McCains and their adopted Bangladeshi
daughter were slimed by vicious racist rumors.

No less disconcerting was a still-unexplained passage of Palin's convention
speech: Her use of an unattributed quote praising small-town America (as
opposed to, say, Chicago and its community organizers) from Westbrook
Pegler, the mid-century Hearst columnist famous for his anti-Semitism,
racism and violent rhetorical excess. After an assassin tried to kill F.D.R.
at a Florida rally and murdered Chicago's mayor instead in 1933, Pegler
wrote that it was "regrettable that Giuseppe Zangara shot the wrong man." In
the '60s, Pegler had a wish for Bobby Kennedy: "Some white patriot of the
Southern tier will spatter his spoonful of brains in public premises before
the snow falls."

This is the writer who found his way into a speech by a potential vice
president at a national political convention. It's astonishing there's been
no demand for a public accounting from the McCain campaign. Imagine if Obama
had quoted a Black Panther or Louis Farrakhan - or William Ayers - in
Denver.

The operatives who would have Palin quote Pegler have been at it ever since.
A key indicator came two weeks after the convention, when the McCain
campaign ran its first ad tying Obama to the mortgage giant Fannie Mae.
Rather than make its case by using a legitimate link between Fannie and
Obama (or other Democratic leaders), the McCain forces chose a former Fannie
executive who had no real tie to Obama or his campaign but did have a black
face that could dominate the ad's visuals.

There are no black faces high in the McCain hierarchy to object to these
tactics. There hasn't been a single black Republican governor, senator or
House member in six years. This is a campaign where Palin can repeatedly
declare that Alaska is "a microcosm of America" without anyone even
wondering how that might be so for a state whose tiny black and Hispanic
populations are each roughly one-third the national average. There are
indeed so few people of color at McCain events that a black senior writer
from The Tallahassee Democrat was mistakenly ejected by the Secret Service
from a campaign rally in Panama City in August, even though he was standing
with other reporters and showed his credentials. His only apparent
infraction was to look glaringly out of place.

Could the old racial politics still be determinative? I've long been
skeptical of the incessant press prognostications (and liberal panic) that
this election will be decided by racist white men in the Rust Belt. Now even
the dimmest bloviators have figured out that Americans are riveted by the
color green, not black - as in money, not energy. Voters are looking for a
leader who might help rescue them, not a reckless gambler whose lurching
responses to the economic meltdown (a campaign "suspension," a
mortgage-buyout stunt that changes daily) are as unhinged as his wanderings
around the debate stage.

To see how fast the tide is moving, just look at North Carolina. On July 4
this year - the day that the godfather of modern G.O.P. racial politics,
Jesse Helms, died - The Charlotte Observer reported that strategists of both
parties agreed Obama's chances to win the state fell "between slim and
 none." Today, as Charlotte reels from the implosion of Wachovia, the
McCain-Obama race is a dead heat in North Carolina and Helms's Republican
successor in the Senate, Elizabeth Dole, is looking like a goner.

But we're not at Election Day yet, and if voters are to have their final
say, both America and Obama have to get there safely. The McCain campaign
has crossed the line between tough negative campaigning and inciting
vigilantism, and each day the mob howls louder. The onus is on the man who
says he puts his country first to call off the dogs, pit bulls and
otherwise.




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