http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20081028_robert_scheer_october_29_column/

Just How Dumb Are White Males?

By Robert Scheer
Truthdig: October 28, 2008

Let me now defend white males. We can't possibly be as dumb as the polls
showing we are John McCain's most reliable voting base would indicate. Do we
white men believe for an instant that a vote for McCain would not represent
more of President Bush's failed economic policies at home and costly
military adventures abroad? If we don't hold such a belief, why are a
majority of us expected to vote against the positive change that Barack
Obama so clearly represents?

Most of us know how to read, and can even Google, so why would we think that
GOP candidate McCain, who has supported Bush on every one of his economic
initiatives, is now the anti-Bush? What exactly did McCain mean when he
said, referring to his Democratic opponent during a campaign speech in Ohio
on Monday, "We both disagree with President Bush on economic policy"?

Is McCain unaware that he consistently voted for the red ink run up by the
Bush administration, or was he having a senior moment when he said that same
day, "We cannot spend the next four years as we spent much of the last
eight: spending ourselves into a ditch, and hoping that the consequences
don't come"?

The only time McCain took issue with Bush's economic policy was in his
short-lived criticism of the tax cut for the rich-a strategy he now defends.
But if McCain doesn't increase taxes for someone, just how does he plan to
pay for the enormous Iraq war debt, now vastly compounded by the banking
bailout? On Monday McCain gave his answer: "I will freeze government
spending on all but the most important programs, like defense, veterans'
care, Social Security and health care, until we scrub every single
government program and get rid of the ones that aren't working for the
American people."

Is he kidding? If he doesn't curtail those programs, which make up almost
the entire federal budget, then he's talking about chump change in possible
cuts. There just isn't enough money in those earmarks that McCain goes on
about to make a dent in the massive national debt.

President Bush's treasury secretary, Henry Paulson, left our collective
credit card on Wall Street, where the bankers are once again to be trusted
to regulate themselves. Are there any white males out there still so in the
dark that they don't know that the radical banking deregulation legislation
that McCain pushed so aggressively is what legally enabled those he
condemned on Monday as "the Wall Street bankers and brokers who got us into
this mess"? Have they never heard of Phil Gramm, the man McCain picked to
co-chair his presidential campaign, who sponsored the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act
and the Commodity Futures Modernization Act-both of which made legal, for
the first time since the Great Depression, the credit swaps and hybrid
instruments at the heart of the Wall Street scams?

Call me naive, but I think white males, startled by job cuts and the
devastation wreaked upon their retirement savings, are finally getting the
point: Someone's got to pay for this mess, and better those who got rich off
the stock market theft than the rest of us.

Can you imagine the uproar now if the McCain-Bush plan to privatize Social
Security by linking it to stock purchases had become law? And have you
noticed that the Wall Street crooks are not using the bailout money to ease
credit but rather to line their golden parachutes? They know how to take
care of their retirement.

I don't think McCain gets that the rest of us could use a bit more lift from
the government safety net. That's the same federal support that GM CEO Rick
Wagoner asked about when he went, hat in hand, to Washington on Monday to
lobby for a $10-billion gift to keep his company out of bankruptcy. Or is
the CEO of GM just another tax-and-spend socialist?

Robert Scheer is author of a new book, "The Pornography of Power: How
Defense Hawks Hijacked 9/11 and Weakened America."

***

http://browse.guardian.co.uk/search?search=The+Bush+gang%E2%80%99s+parting+gift%3A+a+final%2C+frantic+looting+of+public+wealth&sitesearch-radio=guardian&go-guardian=Search

The Bush gang's parting gift: a final, frantic looting of public wealth

The US bail-out amounts to a strings-free, public-funded windfall for big
business. Welcome to no-risk capitalismComments ()

Naomi Klein
The Guardian: October 31 2008

In the final days of the election many Republicans seem to have given up the
fight for power. But don't be fooled: that doesn't mean they are relaxing.
If you want to see real Republican elbow grease, check out the energy going
into chucking great chunks of the $700bn bail-out out the door. At a recent
Senate banking committee hearing, the Republican Bob Corker was fixated on
this task, and with a clear deadline in mind: inauguration. "How much of it
do you think may be actually spent by January 20 or so?" Corker asked Neel
Kashkari, the 35-year-old former banker in charge of the bail-out.

When European colonialists realised that they had no choice but to hand over
power to the indigenous citizens, they would often turn their attention to
stripping the local treasury of its gold and grabbing valuable livestock. If
they were really nasty, like the Portuguese in Mozambique in the mid-1970s,
they poured concrete down the elevator shafts.

Nothing so barbaric for the Bush gang. Rather than open plunder, it prefers
bureaucratic instruments, such as "distressed asset" auctions and the
"equity purchase program". But make no mistake: the goal is the same as it
was for the defeated Portuguese - a final, frantic looting of the public
wealth before they hand over the keys to the safe.

How else to make sense of the bizarre decisions that have governed the
allocation of the bail-out money? When the Bush administration announced it
would be injecting $250bn into US banks in exchange for equity, the plan was
widely referred to as "partial nationalisation" - a radical measure required
to get banks lending again. Henry Paulson, the treasury secretary, had seen
the light, we were told, and was following the lead of Gordon Brown.

In fact, there has been no nationalisation, partial or otherwise. American
taxpayers have gained no meaningful control over the banks, which is why the
banks are free to spend the new money as they wish. At Morgan Stanley, it
looks as if much of the windfall will cover this year's bonuses. Citigroup
has been hinting it will use its $25bn buying other banks, while John Thain,
the chief executive of Merrill Lynch, told analysts: "At least for the next
quarter, it's just going to be a cushion." The US government, meanwhile, is
reduced to pleading with the banks that they at least spend a portion of the
taxpayer windfall for loans - officially, the reason for the entire
programme.

What, then, is the real purpose of the bail-out? My fear is this rush of
dealmaking is something much more ambitious than a one-off gift to big
business: that the Bush version of "partial nationalisation" is rigged to
turn the US treasury into a bottomless cash machine for the banks for years
to come. Remember, the main concern among the big market players,
particularly banks, is not the lack of credit but their battered share
prices. Investors have lost confidence in the honesty of the big financial
players, and with good reason.

This is where the treasury's equity pays off big time. By purchasing stakes
in these financial institutions, the treasury is sending a signal to the
market that they are a safe bet. Why safe? Not because their level of risk
has been accurately assessed at last. Not because they have renounced the
kind of exotic instruments and outrageous leverage rates that created the
crisis. But because the market will now be banking on the fact that the US
government won't let these particular companies fail. If they get themselves
into trouble, investors will now assume that the government will keep
finding more cash to bail them out, since allowing them to go down would
mean losing the initial equity investments, many of them in the billions.
(Just look at the insurance giant AIG, which has already gone back to
taxpayers for a top-up, and seems likely to a! sk for a third.)

This tethering of the public interest to private companies is the real
purpose of the bail-out plan: Paulson is handing all the companies admitted
to the programme - a number potentially in the thousands - an implicit
treasury department guarantee. To skittish investors looking for safe places
to park their money, these equity deals will be even more comforting than a
triple-A from Moody's rating agency.

Insurance like that is priceless. But for the banks, the best part is that
the government is paying them to accept its seal of approval. For taxpayers,
on the other hand, this entire plan is extremely risky, and may well cost
significantly more than Paulson's original idea of buying up $700bn in toxic
debts. Now taxpayers aren't just on the hook for the debts but, arguably,
for the fate of every corporation that sells them equity.

Interestingly, mortgage fund giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac both enjoyed
this kind of unspoken guarantee before they were nationalised at the start
of this crisis. For decades the market understood that, since these private
players were enmeshed with the government, Uncle Sam could be counted on to
always save the day. It was, as many have pointed out, the worst of all
worlds. Not only were profits privatised while risks were socialised, but
the implicit government backing created powerful incentives for reckless
business practices.

With the new equity purchase programme Paulson has taken the discredited
Fannie and Freddie model and applied it to a huge swath of the private
banking industry. Again, there is no reason to shy away from risky bets,
especially since the treasury has made no such demands of the banks
(apparently it doesn't want to "micromanage".)

To further boost market confidence, the federal government has also unveiled
unlimited public guarantees for many bank deposit accounts. Oh, and as if
this were not enough, the treasury has been encouraging the banks to merge,
ensuring that the only institutions left will be "too big to fail", thereby
guaranteed a bail-out. In three ways, the market is being told loud and
clear that Washington will not allow the financial institutions to bear the
consequences of their behaviour. This may be Bush's most creative
innovation: no-risk capitalism.

There is a glimmer of hope. In answer to Senator Corker's question, the
treasury is indeed having trouble dispersing the bail-out funds. So far it
has requested about $350bn of the $700bn, but most of this hasn't yet made
it out the door. Meanwhile, every day it becomes clearer that the bail-out
was sold to the public on false pretences. Clearly, it was never really
about getting loans flowing. It was always about doing what it is doing:
turning the state into a giant insurance agency for Wall Street, a safety
net for the people who need it least, subsidised by the people who will most
need state protections in the economic storms ahead.

This duplicity is a political opportunity. Whoever wins on November 4 will
have enormous moral authority. It should be used to call for a freeze on the
dispersal of bail-out funds, not after the inauguration but right away. All
deals should be renegotiated, this time with the public getting the
guarantees.

It is risky, of course, to interrupt the bail-out process. Nothing could be
riskier, however, than allowing the Bush gang their parting gift to big
business - the gift that will keep on taking.



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