From: Karen Pomer
Subject: Fri. 11/14: DN! EXCLUSIVE Interview with Bill Ayers & Bernardine
Dohrn

Democracy Now!

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TODAY: EXCLUSIVE Interview with Bill Ayers and Bernardine Dohrn
Tune in Nov. 14th, for our exclusive hour-long interview with Bill Ayers and
Bernardine Dohrn on their plans for the future, the McCain campaign attacks
on Ayers, President-elect Obama, the Weather Underground and much more.

***

http://www.thenation.com/doc/20081124/ames

The Summer's Conundrum

By Mark Ames
The Nation: November 10, 2008

We all know in the backs of our minds that Barack Obama's incredible victory
will eventually be followed by disappointment. But does it have to come so
soon, and hit so hard? The answer will be yes, if Lawrence Summers is named
treasury secretary in the president-elect's cabinet, as many observers
believe will be the case. Summers was one of the key architects of our
financial crisis--hiring him to fix the economy makes as much sense as
appointing Paul Wolfowitz to oversee the Iraq withdrawal. And when you look
at the trail of economic destruction Summers left behind in other
crisis-stricken countries who sought his advice in the past, then "terror"
might be a more appropriate word than "disappointment."

The conventional wisdom is that Summers is the "centrist" choice--Fareed
Zakaria ("I think Summers is an extraordinarily brilliant guy") and David
Gergen ("Larry Summers would be superb at this job"), two titans of
centrism, both weighed in Sunday on the Stephanopoulos show in favor of
Summers. And yet so far the debate over Summers has been largely confined to
two outrageous moments in his career: his 1991 World Bank memo calling
Africa "UNDER-polluted," and his more recent declarations, while serving as
president of Harvard, about women's genetic inferiority in math and science.
By themselves, these two incidents might be dismissed as merely provocative
in a maverick-moron sort of way, as many of Summers' supporters argue; but
in the context of Summers's track record, in which he oversaw the
destruction of entire economies and covered up cronyism and corruption, his
Africa memo and sexist declarations aren't exceptions but rather part of a
disturbing pattern.

>From the start, Summers has been on the wrong side of Obama's supporters. In
1982, while still a graduate student at Harvard, Summers was brought to
Washington by his dissertation advisor Martin Feldstein, the supply-side
economist, to serve on Ronald Reagan's Council of Economic Advisors. Those
first years in the Reagan administration were crucial in the right-wing war
against New Deal regulation of the banking system and financial markets--a
war that Reagan's team won, and that we're all paying for today. Although
Summers eventually identified himself with the Democratic Party--albeit the
right wing of that party--nevertheless, as the New York Times's Peter T.
Kilborn wrote in 1988:

He worked for 10 months as a top analyst in President Reagan's Council of
Economic Advisers when his mentor, Martin S. Feldstein, was running it, and
his colleagues don't recall him venting anti-Reagan heresies then....

"One of the ironies of this business is that Summers's economics are quite
close to Feldstein's," said William A. Niskanen, who was a member of the
Feldstein council.

It's ironic if you expected Summers to be a liberal Democrat--but par for
the course in the context of Summers's real record. Some fifteen years after
Summers's stint in the Reaganomics war room, he reappears as one of the key
villains fighting to suppress the regulatory efforts of a top official,
Brooksley Born, who was trying to call attention to the dangers of the
unregulated derivatives, such as credit swap defaults, which today are
considered the key to the current economic crisis.

But let's return to the Summers timeline. After his stint in the Reaganomics
brain trust, he returned to Harvard to serve as one of the university's
youngest professors. In 1988, he was Michael Dukakis's chief economic
advisor, but when that campaign failed to bring Summers to power, he turned
to America's great rival, the former Soviet Union, to try out his economic
experiments. In 1990, Lithuania, a restive Soviet republic seeking
independence, hired Summers to advise on that country's economic
transformation. Poor Lithuania had no idea what it got itself into. This was
Summers's first opportunity to tackle a country in economic crisis and put
his wunderkind theories into practice. The results were literally suicidal:
in 1990, when Summers first arrived, Lithuania's suicide rate was 26.1 per
100,000 and falling. Just five years after Summers got his hands on
Lithuania's economy, life became so unbearable under the economic transition
that the suicide rate nearly doubled to 45.6 per 100,000, worse than any
other ex-Soviet republic in transition. In fact, it was the highest suicide
rate in the world, suggesting something particularly harsh and brutal about
the economic transition in that country as opposed to the others, where
suffering and pain were common. Things got so bad that in 1992, after just
two years of Summers-nomics, the traumatized Lithuanians voted the communist
party back into power, the first East European nation to do so--even though
just a year earlier Lithuanians actually died on the streets fighting
communism.

Fresh off his success in Lithuania, Summers moved to the World Bank, where
he was named the chief economist in 1991, the year he issued his famous
let's-pollute-Africa memo. It was also the year that Summers, and his
Harvard protégé Andrei Schleifer (who worked with Summers on the Lithuania
economic transformation), began their catastrophic "rescue" of Russia's
crisis-ridden economy. It's a complicated story involving corruption,
cronyism and economic devastation. But by the end of the 1990s, Russia's GDP
had collapsed by more than 60 percent, its population was suffering the
worst death-to-birth ratio of any industrialized nation in the twentieth
century, and the financial markets that Summers and Schleifer helped create
had collapsed in what was then the world's biggest debt default ever. The
result was the rise of Vladmir Putin and a national aversion to free markets
and anything associated with Western liberalism.

But that's not all. Summers, through Schleifer, was also tainted with some
of that country's corruption, which resulted in a US Justice Department
lawsuit against Schleifer and others. While Schleifer was being paid by US
taxpayers to advise the Russians on capital markets in the 1990s, his wife,
Nancy Zimmerman, bought and traded Russian equities for a Boston hedge fund
she ran--they even used Schleifer's US taxpayer-funded offices to run
Zimmerman's Moscow-based hedge fund operations.

How close were Larry Summers and Andrei Schleifer? According to former
Boston Globe economics correspondent David Warsh, Summers and Schleifer
"were among each other's best friends," and Summers taught Schleifer "as an
undergraduate, sent him on to MIT for his PhD, took him along on an advisory
mission to Lithuania in 1990, and in 1991, shepherded his return to Harvard
as full professor, where he was regarded, after Martin Feldstein and
Summers, as the leader of the next generation."

In 2000, the Justice Department sought $102 million in damages from
Schleifer, one of Schleifer's Harvard associates and Harvard University in a
conflict-of-interest suit resulting from Schleifer's role as the lead US
adviser to Russia's economic reforms--questioning the way Schleifer and his
wife profited from his position. Schleifer's Harvard team in Moscow was
funded by USAID in a no-bid contract, and supported by Summers as soon as he
moved into the Treasury Department in 1993. So Schleifer benefited from his
relationship with Summers twice: first, by getting a choice contract as the
US government's man in Moscow in the 1990s when Summers was in power in the
US government, one that benefited his wife's hedge fund (earlier this year,
Portfolio suggested that the Schleifers' hedge funds made them
billionaires ). Then after Schleifer returned to Harvard to face the
lawsuit, Summers, now president of Harvard, presided over a controversial
settlement that all but let his protégé off the hook. Thanks to pressure by
Summers, Schleifer kept his chair at Harvard, where he continues to teach
today.

Summers's other favorite man in Russia was Anatoly Chubais--who consistently
ranks at the top of Russia's " most hated man" polls. Chubais was executor
of the Russian government's privatization program, in which state companies
worth tens of billions of dollars were handed over to insiders for a
fraction of their worth in blatantly rigged auctions. Summers praised
Chubais as a "demigod" and called Chubais and his free-market cohorts "the
dream team." In September 1998, after Russia's capital markets collapsed,
along with billions in US-taxpayer-backed loans, Chubais boasted to a
Russian newspaper, "We swindled them." By "them," he meant the Western and
American aid institutions that funded his reforms.

In light of all of the corruption, cronyism and devastation that have marked
his career, Summers' statements about an under-polluted Africa or
intellectually-inferior women no longer seem like provocative eccentricities
but part and parcel of the Summers shtick. And now there's talk that
President-elect Obama may hand the keys to national treasury to
Summers--meaning that he'll be in charge of overseeing a trillion-dollar
taxpayer bailout of the entire financial industry, a process already rife
with conflicts of interest, cronyism and corruption--as detailed by Naomi
Klein.

The bailout, as currently implemented, threatens to devastate America's
economy much as Russia's and Lithuania's were devastated before. The idea
that this is exactly the right time and place to put Larry Summers in charge
of our economy's future is so frightening that it makes the Sarah Palin vice
presidential choice seem almost quaint by comparison. Let's hope the rumors
are wrong.

About Mark Ames
Mark Ames is the author of Going Postal: Rage, Murder and Rebellion From
Reagan's Workplaces to Clinton's Columbine and Beyond (Soft Skull) and The
eXile: Sex, Drugs and Libel in the New Russia (Grove). He is a regular
contributor to eXiled Online. more...


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