http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20081118_change_we_can_bank_on/

Change We Can Bank On

By Robert Scheer
Truthdig: November 18, 2008

This is not change we can believe in. Not if Robert Rubin or his protégé,
Lawrence Summers, get to call the shots on the economy in President-elect
Barack Obama's incoming administration. Both Clinton-era treasury
secretaries deserve a great deal of the blame for the radical deregulation
of the financial industry that has derailed the world economy. They both
should, along with former Federal Reserve chief Alan Greenspan, perform
rites of contrition and be kept at a safe distance from the leadership of
our nation.

Yet Rubin and Summers are highly visible in the Obama transition team, with
Summers widely touted as Obama's pick for secretary of the treasury. New
York Federal Reserve President Timothy Geithner, who also worked in the
treasury department under Rubin and Summers, is the other leading candidate.
But it was Summers who most vehemently pushed for congressional passage of
that drastic deregulation measure, the Financial Services Modernization Act,
which eliminated the New Deal barriers against mergers of commercial and
investment banks as well as insurance companies and stock brokers. Standing
at his side as President Bill Clinton signed the legislation, Summers
heralded it as "a major step forward to the 21st century" - and what a
wonderful century it's proving to be.

It was also Summers who worked in cahoots with Enron and banking lobbyists,
and who backed Republican Sen. Phil Gramm's Commodity Futures Modernization
Act, which banned any effective government regulation of the newly unleashed
derivatives market. The result was not only a temporary boon to Enron, which
soon collapsed under its unbridled greed, but also to the entire Wall Street
financial community.

The only opposition from within the Clinton administration came from
Brooksley E. Born who, as head of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission,
dared defy Summers and Rubin, as well as Greenspan. In frequent appearances
before Congress, she warned that the burgeoning derivatives trading
"threatens our economy without any federal agency knowing about it." In
reward for her prescience, Born, a highly regarded legal expert on
derivatives, was treated to scornful attacks from the old boys' network, led
(again) by Rubin, Greenspan and Summers, who questioned her competency and
insisted it was she who threatened the stability of the market.

That sexism, as well as stupidity and greed, might have played a role in the
dismissal of Born's concerns has been raised by some of Summers' critics,
who were still smarting even after his subsequent forced departure from
Harvard University after disparaging women's innate ability to grasp
mathematics and science. "It was Larry Summers who called her up and
screamed at her," Amy Siskind, co-founder of the New Agenda, a women's
rights group that grew out of the Hilary Rodham Clinton presidential
campaign, told the Boston Globe to support her view that Summers is a "known
misogynist."

Whatever the motives, Born was painfully right in her warnings and Summers
was totally wrong in overseeing the passage of legislation that summarily
prevented any government regulation of the debt instruments that have proved
so disastrous. I don't know if Born, now retired at 68, would be interested
in the treasury secretary position, but she is certainly far more qualified
than the other candidates under consideration.

Barring that possibility, why not go with Sheila Bair, the chair of the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC), who has distinguished herself
by proposing a sterling alternative example of how to deal with the banking
collapse? It is Bair who has most forcefully advanced the goal, advocated by
Obama in his recent "60 Minutes" interview, of putting homeowners before
banks. Under her leadership, the FDIC has made sure that the insured banks,
which it supervises and occasionally takes over, act to prevent foreclosures
rather than using government handouts to finance new bank mergers.

On Tuesday, House Democrats led by Rep. Barney Frank, D-Mass, accused
Paulson of betraying congressional language authorizing the $700 billion
bailout that specifically called for "mortgage foreclosure diminution." Rep.
Carolyn Maloney, D-N.Y., charged, "We're basically funding mergers and
acquisitions, not lending." On Friday, Bair introduced a proposal to
allocate $24.4 billion of the bailout specifically to modify loans to
prevent 1.5 million foreclosures, but was opposed by Treasury Secretary
Henry Paulson.

Because Geithner and Summers support Paulson's approach, Obama should reject
them and pick Bair to give us the kind of change he's been promising.

Robert Scheer is the author of a new book, "The Pornography of Power: How
Defense Hawks Hijacked 9/11 and Weakened America."

***

http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/20081115_no_end_to_the_savagery_in_afghanistan/

No End to the Savagery in Afghanistan

By Robert Fisk
The Independent UK: November 15, 2008

Back in Afghanistan, the mind turns to the small matter of savagery. Not the
routine cruelty of war, but the deliberate inhumanity with which we behave.
The torture and killing of prisoners in this pitiful place-the American
variety in Bagram and the Taliban variety in Helmand-is a kind of routine of
history. Even execution has to be made more painful. A knife is more
terrible than a bullet. The cult of the suicide bomber in the Middle East
began its life in Lebanon, moved to "Palestine", arrived in Iraq, leached
over the border here to Afghanistan and passed effortlessly through the
Khyber Pass into Pakistan. And New York. And Washington. And London ...

Are human beings at war-any kind of war-by definition bound to commit
atrocities? The International Committee of the Red Cross tried to answer
this question in a report four years ago. Were combatants unaware of
international humanitarian law? Unlikely, I would think. They just don't
care. The Red Cross enquiry interviewed hundreds of fighters in Colombia,
Bosnia, Georgia-a bit of real prescience, there, on the part of the ICRC-and
the Congo, and suggested that those who commit reprehensible acts see
themselves as victims, that this then gives them the right to act savagely
against their opponents. Certainly, this might apply to the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict, very definitely to the Serbs of Bosnia-I'm not
so sure about Georgia-and quite definitely to the Taliban (not least when
we've been bombing more wedding parties).

Such cruelty is abetted with a bodyguard of clichés-"police operations",
"clean up", "mop up", "surgical strikes"-where you can kill by remote
control, "especially when the media are not present to show the realities of
a conflict". This is most certainly the case today, for what journalist will
now dare to wander the village streets of Helmand or the city of Baquba in
Iraq or, for that matter, the border towns of Pakistan? War has never, it
seems, been so underreported. And both the good guys and the bad guys like
it that way; they prefer to indulge in savagery unseen.

There is nothing new in all this. At the Battle of Omdurman-where the
British executed all the Arab wounded-the young Winston Churchill wrote of a
sight which is familiar today in a land which was then called Mesopotamia
and in another which was already called Afghanistan. He described "grisly
apparitions", of "horses spouting blood, struggling on three legs, men
staggering on foot, men bleeding from terrible wounds, fish-hook spears
stuck right through them, arms and faces cut to pieces, bowels protruding,
men gasping, crying, collapsing, expiring ...  ". To the men can now-this
very week-be added the suicide-bombed schoolgirls of Baghdad.

In his earlier military campaign on the North West Frontier, Churchill saw
how some of the Taliban's ancestors dealt with a wounded British officer:
the leader of "half a dozen Pathan swordsmen ... rushed upon the prostrate
figure and slashed it three or four times with his sword. I forgot
everything else at this moment except a desire to kill this man. I wore my
long cavalry sword well sharpened. ... The savage saw me coming ...  ". Well
there's something for the ICRC to think about.

Yet it pays to remember that Afghan wars have always been dreadful. Sir
Mortimer Durand-he who created the Durand line which masquerades as the
Afghan-Pakistani border, crossed with such impunity today by Americans and
Taliban warriors in order to kill each other-witnessed the cruelty of the
Afghan war at first hand. "During the action in the Chardeh valley on the
12th of Dec 1879," he wrote, "two squadrons of the 9th Lancers were ordered
to charge a large force of Afghans in the hope of saving our guns. The
charge failed, and some of our dead were afterwards found dreadfully
mutilated by Afghan knives-. I saw it al-l... "

Yet Durand himself objected profoundly to a statement from General Frederick
Roberts-he of Kandahar fame-after the murder of the British mission
diplomats in Kabul. The killings had been "a treacherous and cowardly crime,
which has brought indelible disgrace upon the Afghan people-. all persons
convicted of playing a part in (the murders) will be dealt with according to
their deserts". Durand confronted Roberts over this Victorian version of the
message that George Bush would give to the Afghans 122 years later.

"It seemed to me so utterly wrong in tone and in matter," Durand would later
write, "that I determined to do my utmost to overthrow it ... the stilted
language, and the absurd affectation of preaching historical morality to the
Afghans, all our troubles with whom began by our own abominable injustice,
made the paper to my mind most dangerous for the General's reputation."

Of course, it did Roberts no harm at all. In the age of "shock and
awe" -when a Canadian general can call his Taliban opponents "scumbags"-it
still doesn't seem to worry Nato officers. They should know better.
Montgomery never cursed Rommel; he kept a photograph of the Afrika Korps
commander in his caravan to remind him of the man he was fighting. But then
again, didn't Montgomery fight in the age of the Holocaust, of industrial
killing, of the Hamburg and Dresden firestorms? Indeed, the very Geneva
Conventions of 12 August 1949 were supposed to end the mass destruction of
human life. And President Bush has torn them up.

I know it's easy to ridicule the Red Cross. There's something very preachy
about the post-war conventions. But apart from the precedents of
international law, it's all we've got. Maybe a million Pushtu-language
editions should be handed out to the Taliban and their followers as well as
to the Nato combatants whom Barack Obama absurdly believes will win the
Afghan war. But I doubt it would do much good. Victimhood sits easily on all
our shoulders. If Osama bin Laden had a conscience, it would be quickly
eased by the destruction of the last Caliphate, the colonial occupation of
the Muslim world, the deaths of millions of Arabs. And if we have a
conscience, what do we say? Remember 9/11. And so on we go.



------------------------------------

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