http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/25/opinion/25tue4.html?th&emc=th

California's Legal Tangle

New York Times Editorial
Published: November 24, 2008

The approval of Proposition 8 in California, a constitutional change
designed to prohibit marriage between couples of the same sex, was not just
a defeat for fairness. It raised serious legal questions about the validity
of using the Election Day initiative process to obliterate an existing right
for a targeted minority.

These deeper questions were largely lost during the expensive campaign by
proponents of Proposition 8. Essentially, in their rush to enshrine bigotry
in the State Constitution, they circumvented the procedure specified in that
same document for making such a serious change. Now, the state's top court,
which has agreed to hear the legal challenge to Proposition 8, has the
unpleasant duty of tossing out a voter-approved ballot measure.

The case turns on whether Proposition 8 is a constitutional amendment,
requiring only approval by a bare majority of voters, or a more far-reaching
constitutional revision, requiring a two-step process: either a
constitutional convention or a two-thirds vote of the State Legislature
followed by voter ratification. The court, which has struck down several
measures before, should not lightly overturn the will of the people. But it
has not confronted a revision this far-reaching in terms of upsetting basic
rights and the state's constitutional structure.

The court has correctly determined that the equal protection clause
prohibits governmental discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation,
which extends the right of marriage to same-sex couples. But the issue goes
well beyond gay rights. Allowing Proposition 8 to stand would greatly limit
the court's ability to uphold the basic rights of all Californians and
preclude the Legislature from performing its constitutional duty to weigh
such monumental changes before they go to voters.

Treating Proposition 8 as a mere amendment would set a precedent that could
allow the rights of any minority group to be diminished by a small majority.
The measure passed 52 percent to 48 percent.

In California, sitting judges are subject to elections, and some supporters
of Proposition 8 raise the threat of trying to oust justices who do not go
along with trouncing on people's rights and proper constitutional procedure.
We trust the court will not be intimidated. The justices' job is to protect
minority rights and the State Constitution - even when, for the moment at
least, it may not be the popular thing to do.

***

[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Old Axioms Unsuitable For New Needs

By Saul Landau
Saul Landau's ZSpace Page: November 24, 2008

"Wandering between two worlds,
one dead, the other powerless to be born."
-Matthew Arnold

The time for Obama and his "change" phrases will soon get tested. As
candidate, he wisely refrained from spelling out the specifics of policies
the country needed or what he actually planned to do about failed foreign
policy and a badly wounded economy - aside from his less than radical health
care package.

Three days after the election, unemployment rose and foreclosures continued,
and one of the pillars of global economy, General Motors, pleaded with
Congress for bailout money. Ford and Chrysler joined the begging parade. GM
executives announced the company was losing $2 billion a week and only
Congress (the taxpayers) could save the company that had extracted
unimaginable hundreds of billions in profits over the years from the very
same source - including mammoth salaries and perks for the top honchos.

The auto CEOs met with Congressional leaders and behaved as if everyone knew
they deserved the money. When House Speaker Nancy Pelosi questioned these
pompous failures about the accountability of the funds they requested, she
also promised these czar-like auto chiefs that Congress would monitor the
spending of the bailout funds - if it decided to vote for them.

She and her Senate counterpart, ironically, shared the basic assumption of
the dim witted auto moguls. "A healthy automobile manufacturing sector is
essential to the restoration of financial market stability, the overall
health of our economy and the livelihood of the automobile work force,"
wrote Pelosi and Senate majority leader Harry Reid to Treasury Secretary
Henry Paulson. (NY Times, November 8, 2008)

Did Pelosi and Reid know that in the early 1920s, General Motors brass
bribed the Los Angeles City Council not to finance public transportation so
that the motor car industry could thrive in the entertainment capital? Did
they recall that in the early 1950s, GM CEO Charles Wilson boasted, "What's
good for General Motors is good for the country?"

At the time, liberals feigned outrage at such a callous remark. But Wilson's
statement contained a painful truth: this large corporation had become a
means and end of US policy. Automobiles, after all, required glass, rubber,
metals, chemicals, cloth for upholstery, plastic and other ingredients.
Factories large and small throughout the country furnished these goods. Auto
dealers, new and used, repair shops, and car washes serviced those who used
this basic American product. Cars became so quintessentially American that
Chevrolet (GM) took its place alongside apple pie and baseball.

Who could question the centrality of auto manufacturing to the soundness of
the economy? In those days, the big 3 automakers controlled production and
sales - long before VW, Toyota and other foreign manufacturers began to
compete with better products and prices. But in recent years, the auto
bosses have behaved like the Wall Street idiots and other titans who
directed the US economy straight into the toilet. They made stupid
decisions, rewarded themselves with high salaries, bonuses, perks and stock
options and sneered at critics who warned that by continuing to emphasize
SUVs and Hummers and not try to make a car for the times, they would lose
their traditional markets. Eventually, even the stupidest Americans learned
that "buying American" meant owning a gas guzzling, road destroying,
environment polluting collage of heavy metal and cheap plastic. Furthermore,
it would break down far more rapidly than the much demeaned but more gas
efficient and environmentally friendly cars.

"Can you imagine these jerks coming to Congress, not to plead their case and
admitting they were terrible managers, but we shouldn't worry because
they'll do better in the future?" an irate House Member confided to me.
"These multimillionaire losers walked in here with a sense of total
entitlement! As if they had earned our infinite respect because they led GM,
Ford and Chrysler. I hope someone gives them the news. They're not number
one any more."

By 2008, much of the US auto-related industry had already fled to cheaper
labor markets and the foreign competitors (like Toyota) assembled cars in
the United States. But beyond that, think of what the letter signed by
Pelosi and Reid assumed axiomatically. As the environment deteriorates, why
not question the continued manufacture of autos and not propose a switch to
mass transit and more sustainable vehicles?

In the global warming age, to juxtapose the words "automobile" and "health"
as they do in their letter seems incongruous - even if thirty years from now
someone designs a car that runs on nitrogen.

The Founding Fathers created two Houses so Members of one (Senate) could
think long term. Unfortunately, the contemporary Solons have absorbed the
truncated future orientation of the immediate gratification society and six
years seems to be the longest any of them dare peek ahead.

No one in power has faced the obvious environmental challenge. Al Gore, now
out of competitive politics, delivers periodic sermons on the subject. His
essays vibrate with sincerity, but remain vague when it comes to dictating
the harsh measures needed to deal with the critical situation he portrays.

If Congress thinks bailing out the undeserving car manufacturing tycoons
will help restore economic equilibrium, then they might also fund
experiments designed to make pigs fly. Even with some accountability built
into a Congressional auto bailout - not that likely - steering money to
antiquated and damaging technology appears logically counterproductive.

Perhaps President Obama in January will begin to challenge this and other
antediluvian assumptions?

In foreign policy, the elite still stride confidently with that "We're
Number 1" step. This supposition derives from the 20th Century, when the
United States possessed the world's most formidable economy and, much of the
world assumed, a powerful military loathe to go to war again with an enemy
that could fight back.

The world now knows that US superior will, technology and fighting ability
has resulted in lost wars (except against tiny Grenada and impotent Panama)
and squandered resources, including lives. After the invasion of Iraq, the
world also learned that partnership with the US means subservience to the US
President's Oedipal whims or just plain hubris.

After January 20, President Obama will have to define the role of the United
States in the world just as he will weigh in on how the government directs
the US economy - not a return to Wilson's 1953 "What's best for GM."
The United States no longer leads a free world. Indeed, the very meaning of
the words "free world" in 2008 should confound all mavens of international
affairs.

If Obama opts for another try at a New Deal, he will try to direct money
away from bailing out the Wall Street and automobile company losers and into
desperately needed public works. He will need many times more the investment
made under FDR in the 1930s, for restoration of water and sewage treatment
plants, reparations to roads, dikes and bridges, the refurbishing of
education and health foundations and public transportation. The
environment's health must also become the parchment on which the new
policies are written.

An honest and intelligent new President will subject to scrutiny the axioms
that now underlie language relating to the US role in the world. Isn't it
time to forget the silliness of the "we're number one" axiom - a meaningless
concept in an age of deep environmental threat and interlinked economies?
The practical meaning of #1 means ever higher defense budgets that produce
weapons that don't defend the country.

Look how quickly the mavens of free market economics abandoned their prized
dogmas. Those who demanded bailouts of Wall Street and now the car industry
had steadfastly demanded deregulation so the invisible hand of the market
could govern their business dealings. As soon as business got really bad,
they came like indignant beggars to demand government help for financial and
manufacturing business they had run into the ground.

Instead of simply taking over the financial and manufacturing areas, the
government seems intent on lending taxpayer money to these arrogant
airheads -- because liberals in Congress want to forestall more huge job
losses. But cars had their century - 20th. This century's environment has
sent dire warning signs about continuing to employ technology that relies on
fossil fuels and causes insane highway congestion, noise pollution and
death.

Because people - including the most powerful -- don't question axioms, Obama
will face a Herculean task. He seems up to it!

Saul Landau is an Institute for Policy Studies fellow. His book, A BUSH AND
BOTOX WORLD, was published by Counterpunch A/K. His films are available on
DVD through
http://roundworldproductions.com/Site/Films_by_Saul_Landau_on_DVD.html

From: Z Net - The Spirit Of Resistance Lives
[EMAIL PROTECTED]




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