On April 17, the No Nazis in L.A. Coalition, initiated by the Black 
Riders Liberation Party and Anti-Racist Action-Los Angeles/People 
Against Racist Terror, dealt a serious setback to the National 
Socialist Movement (NSM), one of the largest and oldest openly Nazi 
outfits in the US. We helped mobilize thousands of 
counter-demonstrators who surrounded and impeded the NSM rally on the 
south lawn of Los Angeles City Hall. The Nazis and their police 
protectors were met with people's righteous anger as the NSM tried to 
slink off under police cover after their rally ended.

The non-permitted counter-demonstration united a very diverse 
combination of opponents of racism and fascism. The BRLP mobilized 
broadly and deeply in the Black community in particular, calling for 
a one-day truce among the sets and street organizations like the 
Crips and the Bloods, to confront the real enemies of the Black 
community. As a result, there was a much more significant 
participation of Black people than is normally seen at downtown 
rallies. But other communities were also represented within Coalition 
and also responded to the call. This included the Southern California 
Immigration Coalition, many young Mexicanos, Central Americans and 
other indigenous people, Asians including contingents from BAYAN-USA, 
a Filipino group, an LGBTQ contingent, and people of European descent 
including from ARA-LA and Phoenix ARA, AWARE-LA and Anti-Racist 
Inland Empire. Labor activists were involved in the coalition, and 
present at the counter-demonstration. Coalition efforts to alert the 
Jewish community to the threats posed by the neo-Nazis right after a 
commemoration of Hitler's genocide against European Jewry helped 
bring out Jewish anti-nazis as well. We defended and reach out to the 
disabled. We drew international coverage for our size, militance and diversity.

There were other successes besides the counter-demonstration itself. 
We succeeded in preventing the NSM from linking up with other local 
racist and fascist forces. Immediately after the protest, police 
cracked on a white power street gang in the Inland Empire area, who 
had apparently been involved in ambush attacks on local police as 
well as anti-immigrant violence and street organizing. But these 
elements did not show up in L.A. or unite with the NSM, which had 
been seeking to incorporate them. Neither did the old-line Holocaust 
deniers of Orange County, who had their own activity with Canadian 
white supremacist Paul Fromm (which we learned about too late to 
counter), but who stayed away from the NSM.

The No Nazis in L.A. Coalition also established three key political 
points. We said that the basis of unity for opposing the Nazis had to 
be supporting human rights and liberation struggles, that we would 
not accept police 'pens,' and that the police and the state are part 
of the problem. The diversity and banners of the crowd were a 
testament to the embrace of our first point of unity, and the anger 
and fire directed at the cops along with the Nazis demonstrated the 
validity of the third. In this context, the BRLP in particular felt 
their participation paid tremendous political dividends in the base 
of their organization in the Black community and their efforts for 
building a truce and revolutionary consciousness among Black youth. 
There was also significant participation by the predominantly Black 
downtown homeless community, which had participated in building the 
coalition. Also as a result of our stance, the police were not able 
to require permits or to set up the kind of metal pens and roadblocks 
that they had at recent previous NSM rallies in Riverside. As a 
result, many people were able to physically confront both the Nazis 
and the cops unhindered.

There were, however, weaknesses in the anti-nazi effort that should 
be acknowledged. First of all, many "left" groups basically refused 
to unite with the leadership of the Black Riders and the unity of 
supporting human rights and liberation in opposing fascism. Thus, 
many groups organized independently and separately, including ANSWER, 
the FSP, RCP, ISO, Progressive Labor, and the Spartacists, most of 
whom sniffed briefly around the No Nazis in L.A. Coalition before 
separating off. On the day of the counter-demonstration, this 
manifested itself in a variety of separate contingents each posting 
up with their own sound system and chants. This interfered with the 
"No-Nazis" plan to maintain a moving picket line that could outflank 
the cops and the Nazis and enjoy the widest possible freedom of 
movement for counter-demonstrators.

We had a related internal weakness, as the composing contingents of 
the constituent organizations that made up the Coalition, including 
BRLP, ARA, BAYAN, Southern California Immigration Coalition, IWW, IAC 
and other grassroots groups also tended to break out into separate 
segments, rather than staying together to provide a dynamic, moving 
leadership to the rally. As a result of these twin factors, we were 
not able to maintain the mobile picket line that we first 
established. As the crowd swelled, the police were able to close off 
two side streets with tape and thereby hem in the 
counter-demonstrators, so as to escort in the Nazis for their short 
rally. Without dynamic leadership, the counter-demonstration became 
more of a static crowd scene, swarming as any Nazis appeared 
(including one man with Nazi tattoos, apparently homeless, who 
proceeded directly out of the new LA police headquarters across the 
street and into the crowd, where he got smacked down.) In the 
somewhat chaotic situation, the Coalition was unable to either raise 
funds for its efforts or accumulate contact information from 
participants in order to maintain an ongoing relationship.

Despite these weaknesses, the April 17 mobilization was an overall 
success, and an embarrassment to the NSM. This was somewhat mitigated 
several weeks later when a group called So-Cal Anti-fa, not 
affiliated with ARA or the No Nazis Coalition, was able to track down 
the NSM to their home/headquarters in Riverside. Ignoring efforts to 
contact them and develop a more strategic approach, they organized a 
poorly attended confrontation with the Nazis on the day of the NSM 
meeting, which they gave advance public notice of. The Nazis were 
thus forewarned, the anti-nazis outnumbered, and the NSM was able to 
post you-tube videos of themselves chasing off anti-fascists (whom 
they falsely identified as ARA) and challenging two Brown Beret 
elders to "debate." Better and more strategic use should have been 
made of such successful intelligence gathering. Hopefully future 
efforts will deal the NSM further setbacks.--MN/ARA-LA

(The above appears in the current summer issue of "Turning the Tide" 
available from ARA-LA/PART, PO Box 1055, Culver City CA 90232 or 
on-line in pdf format at www.antiracist.org (click on "publication")






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