From: Karen Pomer 
Wendell Potter: "My Apologies to Michael Moore and the Health Insurance 
Industry"
Submitted by Wendell Potter on November 22, 2010 - 11:14am. 
(L-R) Alex Potter, Michael Moore and Wendell Potter In advance of my appearance 
with Michael Moore on Countdown with Keith Olbermann tonight on MSNBC (8 and 11 
p.m. ET), I would like to offer an apology to both Moore and his arch enemy, 
the health insurance industry, which spent a lot of policyholder premiums in 
2007 to attack his movie, Sicko.

I need to apologize to Moore for the role I played in the insurance industry's 
public relations attack campaign again him and Sicko, which was about the 
increasingly unfair and dysfunctional U.S. health care system. (I was head of 
corporate communications at one of the country's biggest insurance companies 
when I left my job in May 2008.) And I need to apologize to health insurers for 
failing to note in my new book, Deadly Spin, that the front group they used to 
attack Moore and Sicko -- Health Care America -- was originally a front group 
for drug companies. APCO Worldwide, the PR firm that operated the front group 
for insurers during the summer of 2007, was outraged -- outraged, I tell you -- 
that I wrote in the book that the raison d'ĂȘtre for Health Care America was to 
disseminate the insurance industry's talking points as part of a multi-pronged, 
fear-mongering campaign against Moore and his movie. An APCO executive told a 
reporter who had reviewed the book that I was guilty of one of the deceptive PR 
tactics I condemned: the selective disclosure of information to manipulate 
public opinion. 

Which Industry Was Really Behind "Health Care America?"
Well, shucks. Ignorance is no defense, I know, but no one at APCO ever told me, 
even when I was on the insurance industry's side, that Health Care America's 
first benefactor was Big Pharma.

Here are the offending sentences, excerpted from the chapter entitled "The 
Campaign Against Sicko," in which I described a top-secret meeting of insurance 
company flacks -- including me -- where APCO and America's Health Insurance 
Plans (AHIP), the lobbying group for insurers, laid out the industry's 
strategy:  

  (AHIP's Mike) Tuffin and (APCO's Robert) Schooling said they had already 
begun recruiting conservative and free-market think tanks, including the 
American Enterprise Institute and the Galen Institute, as third-party allies. 
Those allies, they said, would be working aggressively to discredit Moore and 
his movie. They then mentioned an ally that most of us had never heard of, 
Health Care America. It had been created by AHIP and APCO for the sole purpose 
of attacking Moore and his contention that people in countries with 
government-run systems spent far less and got better care than people in the 
United States. The sole reason Health Care America exists, they said, was to 
talk about the shortcomings of government-run systems. 

I learned a few days ago from Jack O'Dwyer, longtime watchdog of the PR 
profession and publisher of O'Dwyer's PR Daily, that an APCO executive told him 
I had failed to disclose that APCO had originally set up Health Care America in 
2006 with money primarily from big drug companies. Big Pharma was worried at 
the time that drug makers would be Moore's main target in the movie. Thinking 
ahead, they feared that being vilified in Sicko would increase the odds that 
lawmakers would cast them as the chief villain when the health care reform 
debate got underway. 

O'Dwyer blogged last Tuesday that, "Just about every known evil practice that 
PR has ever engaged in is described in 'Deadly Spin.' " He noted that I had 
mentioned APCO -- the second biggest firm in the O'Dwyer ranking, with $100.3 
million in fees in 2009 -- several times in the book. APCO and AHIP must be 
paying a media monitoring service to alert them immediately when I am mentioned 
in the media, as they did for Michael Moore and Sicko three years ago. Within 
hours, APCO Senior Vice President William Pierce sent O'Dwyer an email to 
challenge my credibility because of my failure to disclose Health Care 
America's original incarnation. He's right --partially. I should have pointed 
out in the book that APCO repurposed Health Care America for the insurance 
industry and other special interests who were concerned that Sicko might lead 
to reforms that would threaten their profits, too. I would have disclosed it if 
I had known about it. Unlike PR people who practice the dark arts of PR, I had 
no intention of misleading anyone. 

Now, Even More Info About "Health Care America"
After hearing from O'Dwyer, I discovered even more about Health Care America 
than I had recalled. I came across a couple of interesting articles and a press 
release from 2006 that Pierce had sent to the media. (He was listed as the 
organization's media contact, although he was an employee of APCO during the 
entire brief existence of Health Care America. If you called the number on the 
press release, you would have reached Pierce at his APCO office.) I also found 
Health Care America's federal tax returns for 2006 and 2007, which were helpful 
in understanding just how much of a front group it really was. 

In a press release dated April 6, 2006, Pierce announced that Health Care 
America -- which he described as a non-partisan, non-profit organization --had 
"opened for business as a champion for common-sense solutions to improving our 
health care system without furthering government control."

The Old PR Dodge and Weave
In one of the hardest-working paragraphs of spin I've come across in a long 
time, the release went on to quote Sarah Berk, the outfit's executive director, 
as saying: "We will promote access, choice, innovation, quality and competition 
in the U.S. health care system. And we will highlight how government-controlled 
systems around the world limit payment choice, stifle innovation and force 
thousands to wait for health care services in the U.S." 

(Note to Ms. Berk: Please make plans now to join me next July at the 11th 
annual Remote Area Medical Free Health Care Expedition at the Wise County, 
Virginia Fairgrounds. If you come early enough, you can help other volunteers 
scrub and sanitize the animal stalls where doctors and nurses treat the 
thousands of patients who wait for a year to get the care they need, but cannot 
afford in the United States of America. Be forewarned, however. The experience 
might force you to consider another line of work, as it did for me when I went 
to 
Wise County in 2007. I knew then that my days as a spinmeister for the 
insurance industry were numbered.)

The release did not disclose that Ms. Berk had recently left the American 
Hospital Association where, according to a story in Roll Call, she was director 
of "grassroots" advocacy and federal relations. Roll Call also reported that 
she earlier had "worked on health issues" for former Sen. Rick Santorum 
(R-Pennsylvania).

So what were the common-sense solutions Health Care America promised to 
champion? Well, according to Roll Call, Ms. Berk "declined" to talk about them.
 
"We're not there yet," Roll Call quoted her as saying. "We're not here to get 
in the weeds on issues."

That was not the only declining she did that day. According to Roll Call, "Berk 
declined to name any specific companies or groups that were backing (Health 
Care America)." Oh, well.

Roll Call did disclose a tidbit that the Pierce's press release did not: 
"Health Care America is represented by public affairs firm APCO Worldwide and 
is currently leasing office space from APCO." One has to wonder how much space 
APCO's front group leased from APCO. Berk was identified as the only employee, 
although she was quoted in Roll Call as saying that she planned to hire at 
least one other person within three months. 

Undisclosed Sources of Income, Mysterious Expenditures and "Virtual Offices" 
According to the Form 990 Health Care America filed with the IRS for 2006, it 
took in $822,298.00 from undisclosed sources. Of that, $142,500 was paid out in 
compensation, presumably to Ms. Berk, and $9,000 was spent for "occupancy." 
Accounting and legal fees totaled nearly $47,000. By far the biggest 
expenditure -- $240,000 -- was for "consultant services."  One has to wonder 
how much of that went to APCO.

Health Care America's Form 990 for 2007 disclosed that Ms. Berk was even more 
handsomely rewarded for her work during the second and apparently final year of 
the organization's existence (I could not find a Form 990 for any subsequent 
year), one presumes because she apparently never got around to hiring anyone 
else and consequently had to work an average of 60 hours a week, or so she 
claimed. She was paid $197,917 in 2007. Legal and accounting fees skyrocketed 
to more than $80,000, and the amount spent for "occupancy" jumped to $15,870 in 
2007.

One has to wonder who got that $15,870. In the 2006 Form 990, Ms. Berk listed 
her office address as 1455 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Suite 400, Washington, 
D.C. 20004. That is not where APCO is located. In fact, that is the address of 
a "virtual office" at the Willard Office Building. Well, of course. How 
appropriate. Why would a front group need a real office?

The Web site for the virtual office at the Willard lists these amenities: a 
prime business address; a "live" receptionist; a lobby greeter, a business 
support center, a client drop-off/pick-up point; and mail forwarding, all for 
$125 a month. That's a heck of a deal for an "office" in the heart of arguably 
the most important city on the planet. Note, however, that you will have to pay 
extra to have your organization's name in the lobby directory and to actually 
use a real office or conference room. You can rent a real office for $10-$35 an 
hour, which for some reason reminds me of the fleabag motels I've heard about 
that rent rooms by the hour. Make no mistake, though, the Willard is no 
fleabag. Here's a fun fact, noted on the Web site for Suite 400:

  The Willard Office Building is nestled between the famous Willard 
Intercontinental Hotel, where the term 'lobbyist' was coined, and the 
Occidental Restaurant, where D.C.'s power brokers negotiate deals over fabulous 
American fare."

Go ahead. Google the address. You'll find that oodles of organizations claim to 
occupy Suite 400. Let's hope that all those folks don't show up for work on the 
same day. 

Operating Front Groups Isn't Criminal, Just Shameful
While the Forms 990 disclosed some interesting information, they didn't 
disclose the details that would be most helpful in determining who is really 
behind Health Care America. The government doesn't require such disclosure, 
even though front groups play a major role in persuading people to think the 
way the groups' financiers want them to think and to do what they want them to 
do, such as disrupting Congressional Democrats' town hall meetings. The 
ultimate goal, of course, is to influence public policy. 

"Where's the felony Potter is saying took place?" Pierce asked O'Dwyer. 

There was no felony (that I have personal knowledge of), and I never said that 
anyone at APCO had committed one. That's the problem. Setting up and operating 
front groups -- and not having to disclose who is behind them -- is shameful 
and, according to the code of ethics of the Public Relations Society of 
America, unethical. But it's perfectly legal. 

So APCO, I've apologized for failing to disclose something I didn't know when I 
wrote Deadly Spin. Now it's your turn. How about you apologizing to the 
American people for the role you played in making it necessary for me to write 
the book in the first place. 

P.S.: I just received a message from an APCO spokesperson who wrote to chastise 
me for writing that the insurance industry would "push Moore off the cliff" in 
a worst-case scenario. "You know there was never any suggestion to do anyone 
personal harm," she wrote. Yes, I knew that and I wrote that. She should read 
the book. Here's what I wrote on page 38 of the chapter about Sicko:

  "Tuffin and Schooling wrapped up their presentation with a 'worse-case 
scenario' plan. If Sicko showed signs of being as influential in shaping public 
opinion on health care reform as An Inconvenient Truth had been in changing 
attitudes about climate change, then the industry would have to consider 
implementing a plan 'to push Moore off the cliff.' They didn't elaborate, and 
no one asked what they meant by that. We knew they didn't mean it 
literally--that a hit man would be sent to take Moore out. Rather, an all-out 
effort wuld be made to depict Moore as someone intent on destroying the 
free-market health care system and with it, the American way of life."

The APCO spokesperson denied the firm had done research on Moore's family and 
said APCO "did not attempt to suppress turnout for the movie." I'll let the PR 
plan, which I first discussed on Bill Moyers Journal in July 2009, speak for 
itself. Moyers' staff obtained copies of May 2007 and June 2007 versions of the 
PR plan developed by APCO and AHIP. To view the interview and PDF versions of 
the documents, click this link.

P.P.S: I also want to apologize to Moore for not disclosing until now that, 
while I was still working for the insurance industry, I traveled as an industry 
spy to his hometown of Bellaire, Michigan, to attend the official U.S. premiere 
of Sicko on June 16, 2007. Moore and I actually met that day, although he 
doesn't know it. (I didn't tell him who I was or who I worked for). The picture 
accompanying this blog, taken at a pre-screening reception by another 
movie-goer, shows me on Moore's left and my son, Alex, on his right. Alex, who 
has always been a big fan of Moore's, traveled with me on the reconnaissance 
mission. Moore even autographed a Sicko poster for Alex. It's quite a momento.

###




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