December 11, 2010
Jailed Afghan Drug Lord Was Informer on U.S. Payroll
By JAMES RISEN

WASHINGTON — When Hajji Juma Khan was arrested 
and transported to New York to face charges under 
a new American narco-terrorism law in 2008, 
federal prosecutors described him as perhaps the 
biggest and most dangerous drug lord in 
Afghanistan, a shadowy figure who had helped keep 
the Taliban in business with a steady stream of money and weapons.

But what the government did not say was that Mr. 
Juma Khan was also a longtime American informer, 
who provided information about the Taliban, 
Afghan corruption and other drug traffickers. 
Central Intelligence Agency officers and Drug 
Enforcement Administration agents relied on him 
as a valued source for years, even as he was 
building one of Afghanistan’s biggest drug 
operations after the United States-led invasion 
of the country, according to current and former 
American officials. Along the way, he was also 
paid a large amount of cash by the United States.

At the height of his power, Mr. Juma Khan was 
secretly flown to Washington for a series of 
clandestine meetings with C.I.A. and D.E.A. 
officials in 2006. Even then, the United States 
was receiving reports that he was on his way to 
becoming Afghanistan’s most important narcotics 
trafficker by taking over the drug operations of 
his rivals and paying off Taliban leaders and 
corrupt politicians in President Hamid Karzai’s government.

In a series of videotaped meetings in Washington 
hotels, Mr. Juma Khan offered tantalizing leads 
to the C.I.A. and D.E.A., in return for what he 
hoped would be protected status as an American 
asset, according to American officials. And then, 
before he left the United States, he took a side 
trip to New York to see the sights and do some 
shopping, according to two people briefed on the case.

The relationship between the United States 
government and Mr. Juma Khan is another 
illustration of how the war on drugs and the war 
on terrorism have sometimes collided, 
particularly in Afghanistan, where drug dealing, 
the insurgency and the government often overlap.

To be sure, American intelligence has worked 
closely with figures other than Mr. Juma Khan 
suspected of drug trade ties, including Ahmed 
Wali Karzai, the president’s half brother, and 
Hajji Bashir Noorzai, who was arrested in 2005. 
Mr. Karzai has denied being involved in the drug trade.

A Shifting Policy

Afghan drug lords have often been useful sources 
of information about the Taliban. But relying on 
them has also put the United States in the 
position of looking the other way as these 
informers ply their trade in a country that by 
many accounts has become a narco-state.

The case of Mr. Juma Khan also shows how 
counternarcotics policy has repeatedly shifted 
during the nine-year American occupation of 
Afghanistan, getting caught between the 
conflicting priorities of counterterrorism and 
nation building, so much so that Mr. Juma Khan 
was never sure which way to jump, according to 
officials who spoke on the condition that they not be identified.

When asked about Mr. Juma Khan’s relationship 
with the C.I.A., a spokesman for the spy agency 
said that the “C.I.A. does not, as a rule, 
comment on matters pending before U.S. courts.” A 
D.E.A. spokesman also declined to comment on his 
agency’s relationship with Mr. Juma Khan.

His New York lawyer, Steven Zissou, denied that 
Mr. Juma Khan had ever supported the Taliban or worked for the C.I.A.

“There have been many things said about Hajji 
Juma Khan,” Mr. Zissou said, “and most of what 
has been said, including that he worked for the 
C.I.A., is false. What is true is that H. J. K. 
has never been an enemy of the United States and 
has never supported the Taliban or any other group that threatens Americans.”

A spokeswoman for the United States Attorney’s 
Office for the Southern District of New York, 
which is handling Mr. Juma Khan’s prosecution, declined to comment.

However, defending the relationship, one American 
official said, “You’re not going to get 
intelligence in a war zone from Ward Cleaver or Florence Nightingale.”

At first, Mr. Juma Khan, an illiterate trafficker 
in his mid-50s from Afghanistan’s remote Nimroz 
Province, in the border region where southwestern 
Afghanistan meets both Iran and Pakistan, was a 
big winner from the American-led invasion. He had 
been a provincial drug smuggler in southwestern 
Afghanistan in the 1990s, when the Taliban 
governed the country. But it was not until after 
the Taliban’s ouster that he rose to national 
prominence, taking advantage of a record surge in 
opium production in Afghanistan after the invasion.

Briefly detained by American forces after the 
2001 fall of the Taliban, he was quickly 
released, even though American officials knew at 
the time that he was involved in narcotics 
trafficking, according to several current and 
former American officials. During the first few 
years of its occupation of Afghanistan, the 
United States was focused entirely on capturing 
or killing leaders of Al Qaeda, and it ignored 
drug trafficking, because American military 
commanders believed that policing drugs got in 
the way of their core counterterrorism mission.

Opium and heroin production soared, and the 
narcotics trade came to account for nearly half of the Afghan economy.

Concerns, but No Action

By 2004, Mr. Juma Khan had gained control over 
routes from southern Afghanistan to Pakistan’s 
Makran Coast, where heroin is loaded onto 
freighters for the trip to the Middle East, as 
well as overland routes through western 
Afghanistan to Iran and Turkey. To keep his 
routes open and the drugs flowing, he lavished 
bribes on all the warring factions, from the 
Taliban to the Pakistani intelligence service to 
the Karzai government, according to current and former American officials.

The scale of his drug organization grew to 
stunning levels, according to the federal 
indictment against him. It was in both the 
wholesale and the retail drug businesses, 
providing raw materials for other drug 
organizations while also processing finished drugs on its own.

Bush administration officials first began to talk 
about him publicly in 2004, when Robert B. 
Charles, then the assistant secretary of state 
for international narcotics and law enforcement, 
told Time magazine that Mr. Juma Khan was a drug 
lord “obviously very tightly tied to the Taliban.”

Such high-level concern did not lead to any 
action against Mr. Juma Khan. But Hajji Noorzai, 
one of his rivals, was lured to New York and 
arrested in 2005, which allowed Mr. Juma Khan to expand his empire.

In a 2006 confidential report to the drug agency 
reviewed by The New York Times, an Afghan 
informer stated that Mr. Juma Khan was working 
with Ahmed Wali Karzai, the political boss of 
southern Afghanistan, to take control of the drug 
trafficking operations left behind by Mr. 
Noorzai. Some current and former American 
counternarcotics officials say they believe that 
Mr. Karzai provided security and protection for Mr. Juma Khan’s operations.

Mr. Karzai denied any involvement with the drug 
trade and said that he had never met Mr. Juma 
Khan. “I have never even seen his face,” he said 
through a spokesman. He denied having any 
business or security arrangement with him. “Ask 
them for proof instead of lies,” he added.

Mr. Juma Khan’s reported efforts to take over 
from Mr. Noorzai came just as he went to 
Washington to meet with the C.I.A. and the drug 
agency, former American officials say. By then, 
Mr. Juma Khan had been working as an informer for 
both agencies for several years, officials said. 
He had met repeatedly with C.I.A. officers in 
Afghanistan beginning in 2001 or 2002, and had 
also developed a relationship with the drug 
agency’s country attaché in Kabul, former American officials say.

He had been paid large amounts of cash by the 
United States, according to people with knowledge 
of the case. Along with other tribal leaders in 
his region, he was given a share of as much as $2 
million in payments to help oppose the Taliban. 
The payments are said to have been made by either 
the C.I.A. or the United States military.

The 2006 Washington meetings were an opportunity 
for both sides to determine, in face-to-face 
talks, whether they could take their relationship 
to a new level of even longer-term cooperation.

“I think this was an opportunity to drill down 
and see what he would be able to provide,” one 
former American official said. “I think it was 
kind of like saying, ‘O.K., what have you got?’ ”

Business, Not Ideology

While the C.I.A. wanted information about the 
Taliban, the drug agency had its own agenda for 
the Washington meetings — information about other 
Afghan traffickers Mr. Juma Khan worked with, as 
well as contacts on the supply lines through Turkey and Europe.

One reason the Americans could justify bringing 
Mr. Juma Khan to Washington was that they claimed 
to have no solid evidence that he was smuggling 
drugs into the United States, and there were no 
criminal charges pending against him in this country.

It is not clear how much intelligence Mr. Juma 
Khan provided on other drug traffickers or on the 
Taliban leadership. But the relationship between 
the C.I.A. and the D.E.A. and Mr. Juma Khan 
continued for some time after the Washington sessions, officials say.

In fact, when the drug agency contacted him again 
in October 2008 to invite him to another meeting, 
he went willingly, believing that the Americans 
wanted to continue the discussions they had with 
him in Washington. He even paid his own way to 
Jakarta, Indonesia, to meet with the agency, current and former officials said.

But this time, instead of enjoying fancy hotels 
and friendly talks, Mr. Juma Khan was arrested 
and flown to New York, and this time he was not allowed to go shopping.

It is unclear why the government decided to go 
after Mr. Juma Khan. Some officials suggest that 
he never came through with breakthrough 
intelligence. Others say that he became so big 
that he was hard to ignore, and that the United 
States shifted its priorities to make pursuing drug dealers a higher priority.

The Justice Department has used a 2006 
narco-terrorism law against Mr. Juma Khan, one 
that makes it easier for American prosecutors to 
go after foreign drug traffickers who are not 
smuggling directly into the United States if the 
government can show they have ties to terrorist organizations.

The federal indictment shows that the drug agency 
eventually got a cooperating informer who could 
provide evidence that Mr. Juma Khan was making 
payoffs to the Taliban to keep his drug operation 
going, something intelligence operatives had known for years.

The federal indictment against Mr. Juma Khan said 
the payments were “in exchange for protection for 
the organization’s drug trafficking operations.” 
The alleged payoffs were what linked him to the 
Taliban and permitted the government to make its case.

But even some current and former American 
counternarcotics officials are skeptical of the 
government’s claims that Mr. Juma Khan was a strong supporter of the Taliban.

“He was not ideological,” one former official 
said. “He made payments to them. He made payments 
to government officials. It was part of the business.”

Now, plea negotiations are quietly under way. A 
plea bargain might keep many of the details of 
his relationship to the United States out of the public record.



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