http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/wikileaks-el-salvador-iv.html
  Thursday, December 9, 2010
 Wikileaks El Salvador
IV<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/wikileaks-el-salvador-iv.html>
The subject of the second released Wikileaks cable on El Salvador is "With
ARENA Fractured, Funes is FMLN's Only
Rival<http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cable/crisis/Gobierno/Funes/elpepuint/20101207elpepuint_30/Tes>."
The document was written by the US Charge d'Affairs Robert Blau on January
26, 2010.

Here's the summary:

Eight months into the Funes presidency, the GOES can best be characterized
as schizophrenic. The part of the government that Funes controls is
moderate, pragmatic, responsibly left-of-center and friendly to the USG. The
part he has ceded to hard-line elements of the (left-wing) Farabundo Marti
National Liberation Front (FMLN) is seeking to carry out the Bolivarian,
Chavista game-plan, including implacable hostility towards the USG.

Divisions on the right have given the FMLN a dominant position in the
Legislative Assembly. However, the FMLN does not have an outright majority
in the legislature, and it faces strong opposition in the popular and
independent-minded President Funes. Funes's popularity could erode quickly
if his administration does not start showing visible results in reducing
violent crime and reviving the economy. The government's long-run inability
to tackle crime or produce economic growth, coupled with petty infighting
and corruption within the country's political parties, raises questions
about the future of democratic governance in El Salvador.

A few quick hits - First, I don't think that it is accurate to say that the
hard-line elements of the FMLN are "seeking to carry out the Bolivarian,
Chavista game-plan, including implacable hostility towards the USG."  The
hard-line elements of the FMLN were Chavista before Chavez and will probably
remain so when he is gone.  While they share affinity for Chavez and might
receive support from him, it's not all about Chavez.  It doesn't allow
policymakers in Washington to objectively weight matters in El Salvador when
one side is characterized as Chavista.  Similarly, it doesn't make sense to
characterize ARENA as center-right (which Blau does latter in the cable).

Second, I also don't think it is helpful to characterize Funes' foreign
policy as "a moderate, pro-U.S. foreign policy."  I imagine that Funes is
pursuing a foreign policy that he believes is in the national interests of
El Salvador.  Fortunately, for the US and I would say the people of El
Salvador, he deems economic and political cooperation on issues such as free
trade, democracy promotion, and comprehensive immigration reform to be in
the interests of the country.  It's not a "pro-U.S. foreign policy" but a
"pro-El Salvador policy that seeks strong ties with the US."

Third, schizophrenic?  I'm not a doctor (well, not that kind) but here is
Google health on schizophrenia:

Schizophrenia is a mental disorder that makes it difficult to tell the
difference between real and unreal experiences, to think logically, to have
normal emotional responses, and to behave normally in social situations.

All I see from the cable is a description of intraparty rivalries.  The
president and vice president represent different factions of the
FMLN-Friends of Mauricio coalition that came to power in 2009.  The two
factions are competing to guide the country over the next 3+ years and
beyond.  Funes has control over foreign and economic policy as well as the
military.  Ceren and other hard-line elements of the FMLN are in charge of
labor and education.

Finally, how different would the cable have read during the twenty years of
ARENA rule?  There are serious divisions within the party over the
government's economic model and its approach to crime.  There are leadership
battles within the executive branch and the party in preparation for the
upcoming elections.  At the same time, the opposition (FMLN) is in chaos and
the moderate members have been purged (Villalobos, Guardado, etc.). We might
never know what those cables said, but they might not have been too
different from the recent revelations.

Most of the remaining analysis in the cable is mere speculation.
The embassy is trying to work to understand the divisions within ARENA and
the FMLN.  ARENA's division led to the creation of GANA.  There's some
serious disagreement between Cristiani (and others) and the corrupt Saca.
One of the interesting tidbits here was Cristiani's orders to ARENA last
January.

XXXXXXXXXXXX said that ARENA president Alfredo Cristiani has instructed
party leaders to focus their criticism on the FMLN and avoid attacking GANA
or President Funes, both of which ARENA views as potential allies. Until the
2012 legislative elections, however, ARENA will remain a marginalized force
in national politics.

I'm not sure about a potential alliance.  It seems like smart politics to
not attack a president with a near 90% approval rating.  At the same time,
don't attack GANA because all new political parties that have splintered
from ARENA and the FMLN have failed.  There's good reason to believe that
the same would occur with GANA.
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Posted by Mike at 1:19
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Labels: El 
Salvador<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/El%20Salvador>,
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  Wikileaks El Salvador
III<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/wikileaks-el-salvador-iii.html>
The subject of the third Wikileaks cable on El Salvador is "FMLN Affirms
Socialist Course; Leadership Acknowledges Need for Strong Relations with
U.S.<http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cable/25/Convencion/Nacional/FMLN/elpepuint/20101207elpepuint_29/Tes>"
The document was written by the US Charge d'Affairs Robert Blau on December
15, 2009.

Here's the summary:

At its 25th annual convention December 13, the FMLN, without President Funes
present, voiced solidarity with Cuba and Venezuela, repeated opposition to
"the Empire," and voted to join the Fifth Socialist International. It
decided to devolve authority to select candidates for local office to local
party organizations. Senior FMLN leadership told us December 14 there had
been no change in the FMLN's stated desire for good relations with the U.S.
and attributed some of the anti-U.S. rhetoric by FMLN members (including VP
Sanchez Ceren) to events outside of El Salvador, and an inability to adapt
to new circumstances.

The cable starts off with a summary of the XXV 2009 Convention where the
party reaffirmed its socialist platform.  That's nothing new (as I'll
mention in the next post).

Blau then goes on to summarize a meeting help between Embassy officials and
FMLN representatives Medardo Gonzalez, Sigfrido Reyes, and Oscar Ortiz on
December 14.

Medardo Gonzalez, FMLN General Coordinator and head of legislative bloc,
Sigfrido Reyes, FMLN Spokesman and Assembly Deputy, and Oscar Ortiz, Santa
Tecla Mayor. Gonzalez atated categorically there had been no change in the
FMLN's stance of seeking a constructive relationship with the U.S. Noting
recent statements by VP Sanchez Ceren criticizing the U.S., the three were
quick to say there was no anti-U.S. policy in the FMLN and, on the contrary,
the FMLN and the Funes Government saw strengthening U.S.-Salvadoran
relations as a priority.

In many ways, I think that the FMLN representatives are just telling the US
Government what they want to hear.  The truth is that there is a split
within the party.  There are some who see a strong relationship with the US
as crucial to the stability and future of El Salvador while others see the
FMLN's future aligned more closely with ALBA and other leftists governments
in Latin America.  It's not uncommon for members of a political party to be
divided on such issues of foreign and economic policy.  Granted, in the case
of El Salvador, the polarization between parties (the FMLN and ARENA) and
within parties (the FMLN) is a little more extreme than most.

Ortiz explains that extreme rhetoric coming from the Convention and the VP
as a reflection of some failing to adapt to new times.

Ortiz suggested much of the anti-Imperialist commentary still emanating from
the FMLN was, in part, a function of the party's slow adaptation to a new
world of governing and the difficulty of setting aside long-held political
rhetoric.

I'm sorry, but this sure sounds like Villalobos and the ERP/RN cadre in the
early to mid-1990s.

And the final comment from Blau

The FMLN's historic, guerrilla roots run deep, and the rhetoric of years on
the battlefield and two decades in opposition will not disappear quickly, or
maybe ever. While our outreach to the FMLN during the 2008-2009 campaign and
since Funes' inauguration has paid off in open channels of communications,
we continue to combat old suspicions of U.S. motives in El Salvador and the
region. On the other hand, good relations with the U.S. enjoys a 90 percent
approval rating. If the FMLN overdoes its radicalism, it will have a hard
time sustaining its current electoral advantages.

Blau analysis seems accurate.  There are good reasons why the FMLN and the
US government do not get along and the relationship might never improve to
the extent the people of El Salvador and the US would like.

However, the last sentence is a little difficult to understand without
additional information.  I'm not sure what it would mean for the FMLN to
overdo its radicalism - start nationalizing businesses and property?
emphasizing popular democracy?  strengthening ties with Communist Cuba and
China?  joining ALBA?

And with regards to "sustaining its electoral advantages,"  there is little
that the FMLN can do in the next five to ten years that will cause it to
lose enough popular support so that it is no longer the first or second
largest party in the country.  I don't know, it's just not a really helpful
insight.
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Posted by Mike at 9:22
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Labels: El 
Salvador<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/El%20Salvador>,
Wikileaks<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/Wikileaks>
  Wednesday, December 8, 2010
 Wikileaks El Salvador
II<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/wikileaks-el-salvador-ii.html>
The subject of the second released Wikileaks cable on El Salvador is "Wave
of Protests May Signal FMLN Effort to Undermine
Funes<http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cable/protestas/callejeras/Salvador/elpepuint/20101207elpepuint_28/Tes>."
 The
document was written by the US Charge d'Affairs Robert Blau on August 28,
2009.

Here's the summary:

A recent wave of protests organized by a so-called environmental group, "La
Coordinadora Nacional de Medio Ambiente (CNMA)", are likely part of a
movement by hard-line elements of the FMLN to undermine President Funes.
Over the past several weeks, the CNMA has carried out large-scale,
coordinated protests throughout the country ostensibly protesting GOES plans
to continue with the construction of the hydroelectric dam "Chaparral" and
perceived inequities in the seed disbursement program to farmers. It seems
that hard-line members of the FMLN party are using this relatively unknown
organization to vent their frustration about the direction of economic
policy and directly challenge the President.

Blau then comments:

Mass street protests are part of the traditional FMLN play book and are one
battlefront in an ongoing struggle for power between the orthodox FMLN and
President Funes. Funes said at a meeting Thursday August 27 that his
administration will not yield to blackmail. There is broad public support
for the need for Funes to prevail.


Sorry, but I don't know anything about these strikes and neither does it
appear from the cable that Blau does (or at least he isn't saying).

Blau argues that these protests were "sophisticated" because they involved a
simultaneous "series of road blocks at nine key points in the highway" while
"past CNMA protests consisted of no more than small-scale demonstrations
outside of the Presidential Palace."

Therefore, they must have been organized by the FMLN and they must have been
an attempt by hard-liners to undermine Funes.

Anybody have any more information?
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Posted by Mike at 7:19
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Labels: El 
Salvador<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/El%20Salvador>,
Wikileaks<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/Wikileaks>
  Some additional Comments on Wikileaks El Salvador
I<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/some-additional-comments-on-wikileaks.html>
Let me just add to the first leaked
cable<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/wikileaks-el-salvador.html>
why
I didn't find that much revealing from it.

For much of the FMLN's existence as a political party, the orthodox wing of
the FMLN has continually forced out the "moderates" (those that eventually
formed the PD and the FDR, among others).  Finally, in 2004 the orthodox
wing adopted a plan to eventually realize socialism in El Salvador - a plan
that ended any debate within the party about social democracy (or a more
socially conscious capitalism) versus socialism.  From an unpublished paper
with Alberto Martin, we wrote

In a doctrinal document drafted in 2004 by order of the National Council,
the FMLN established a strategy of transition to socialism that would first
pass through a phase of state takeover and deepening of democracy (FMLN
2004). To achieve power, they raised the possibility of concluding a series
of broad political alliances with non-revolutionary sectors in the
short-tem. This policy is a tactical partnership with those political forces
that the FMLN leadership considered democratic, but not left. In the words
of José Luis Merino one of the party’s historic leaders:


"The road to socialism passes through the democratization of the country, in
that sense all the democratic forces are our potential allies ... We have a
strategic objective that might take ten, 20 or 30 years, because until one
arrives at conscience: one arrives at socialism. To get there you have to
consolidate democracy" (El Faro 2005).


The FMLN's avowed goal of socialism (and thereby stronger relations with
Venezuela and Cuba) is not compatible with Funes' social democratic vision
for the country (with strong US ties).  Instead, the FMLN sees Funes as a
bridge to a time when Salvadorans would accept a true FMLN candidate.

The *Friends of Mauricio* and the *Citizens Movement for Change* were
created because Funes lacked support among the FMLN party leadership.  These
friends' groups give him some organized support within the country and maybe
leverage within the party.

These organizations were also created to convince non-FMLN (both domestic
and international) of his administration's moderate / pragmatic approach to
the country's problems, hopefully as a counterweight to the orthodox VP.
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Posted by Mike at 11:28
AM<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/some-additional-comments-on-wikileaks.html>
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Labels: El 
Salvador<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/El%20Salvador>,
Wikileaks<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/Wikileaks>
  Tuesday, December 7, 2010
 Wikileaks El 
Salvador<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/2010/12/wikileaks-el-salvador.html>
Cables between the US Embassy in El Salvador and Washington, D.C. have begun
to leak out.  Spain's El Pais has coverage
here<http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Funes/pide/ayuda/EE/UU/frente/socios/ex/guerrilleros/elpepuint/20101207elpepuint_33/Tes>.
 There are links to the cables at the bottom of the page.  I am in the
middle of grading, so I'll probably just take a stab at one cable per day.

The 
first<http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cable/preocupacion/Funes/seguridad/elpepuint/20101207elpepuint_27/Tes>cable
is dated August, 21, 2009 and deals primarily with relations between
President Funes and the FMLN.  The cable's subject line is "FRIENDS OF
MAURICIO: FUNES NEEDS YOUR HELP."  While Funes did not write it, I can't
imagine how this is going to win him friends among the FMLN.



First, the cable enters in to a bit of a discussion about the then recently
constituted *Citizens Movement for Change*, formerly the *Friends of
Mauricio Movement*.  It's unclear who the US Charge d'Affairs Blau met with,
but the source concluded that

the near-term goal of the organization was to accompany President Funes
as he governed and to provide him non-FMLN political support during his
term.

A second area of the cable dealt with Funes' concerns about his
physical security and that of the integrity of his officials'
communications.  Funes is worried about the physical security of the
president's house.  In one failure, intelligence officials did not provide
him with advanced warning of protestors camping out in front of the
presidential compound.  Funes was disappointed that Eduardo Linares (aka
Douglas Santamaria), the Director of the Salvadoran State Intelligence
Organization (OIE), failed to learn of the protestors ahead of time.
Linares also withheld information from the president including daily
intelligence briefings and even information about a visit to the country by
the Venezuelan Foreign Minister shortly after the Honduran coup.

Funes was also concerned that hard-line members of the FMLN were listening
in on his phone calls as well as those of other non-FMLN members of the
Government.  Interestingly enough, he was asking the US Government for
assistance and the US was open to the request.

Funes also wanted US assistance in interrupting phone calls from prisons,
presumably involving extortion rackets.  However, the US was reluctant to
work with the Manuel Melgar, the Minister of Public Security and Justice.
The source told Blau that

Melgar's appointment was not taken to display any disrespect to the U.S.,
but had been a compromise with the FMLN, which had sought appointment of
FMLN hard-liner Jose Luis Merino (aka Ramiro Vasquez) as Public Security
Minister.

Funes, he said, had pushed back and preferred to name Melgar to that
position because he had developed a certain rapport with Melgar during the
campaign. XXXXXXXXXXXX described Melgar's behavior around Funes during the
campaign as compliant and loyal to Funes, characteristics he said would not
have been the case with Merino. XXXXXXXXXXXX said Funes would consider new
information on Melgar and take appropriate action, fully cognizant of
Melgar's linkage to the 1985 Zona Rosa killings.

>From this August 2009 cable, it's clear that Funes' relationship with the
FMLN was a clear concern for the US Embassy just a few months into his
administration.  This isn't much of a surprise.  I think that this was (and
is) a topic that everyone was interested in learning as much about as
possible.

The information is nothing extraordinary, but the extent to which Funes was
reaching out to the US for help and his mistrust of FMLN hardliners
are likely to increase tensions between him and the FMLN.
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Labels: El 
Salvador<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/El%20Salvador>,
Wikileaks<http://centralamericanpolitics.blogspot.com/search/label/Wikileaks>


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