The Scandal of Military Rape

                    What will it take to protect U.S. 
servicewomen from sexual assaults and their subsequent cover-ups? 
Congress, the parents of raped-and-murdered soldiers and embattled 
military women themselves are desperate to know. 
                    By Helen Benedict
                    Army Private LaVena Johnson, just 19 years old, was found  
dead on her military base in Balad, Iraq, in July  2005. 
                     At first the Army initiated a  homicide 
investigation, then suddenly, without explanation, closed it and ruled  
her death a suicide by an M-16 rifle. Yet her parents said she had been 
calling  home every day, always sounding happy and healthy. 
                     When her father, John Johnson, a  veteran of the
 Army himself, viewed his daughter’s body at the funeral home, he  
noticed several suspicious factors. Her face was bruised, the gunshot 
wound did  not match the description in the autopsy and white uniform 
gloves had been  glued onto her hands. He later gained access to 
photographs that showed abrasions  to her face, a broken nose, burns on 
her hands, signs of sexual abuse and more  burns to her back and genital
 area. He also learned that she had been  re-clothed after her death, 
dragged across the ground and set on fire inside a  tent. Johnson and 
his wife believe that their daughter was raped, murdered and  burned to 
cover the evidence. 
                    
                    The Johnsons  have been pressing the Army to reopen 
the investigation ever since, but so far  have been stonewalled at every
 turn. 
                    Of the sexual assaults reported  and recorded by 
the Department of Defense in fiscal year 2007, half were met  with no 
official action, a third were dismissed as unworthy of investigation  
and only 8 percent of those investigated were referred to Court Martial.
 Of  those few military men found guilty of rape or sexual assault, the 
majority  received punishments so mild they amounted to slaps on the 
wrist, conveying the  message that men can do what they want to women in
 the military with little  consequence. 
                      In 2007, the Department of Veteran’s  Affairs 
reported that 20 percent of female veterans seen at its facilities  
nationwide said they had been raped or sexually assaulted while serving.
 Other  veteran studies put the incidence of rape at 30 percent: nearly 
one-third of  all women in the military force. Furthermore,  the DoD 
admits on its website that 80 percent of rapes in the military are not  
reported because women (and the men who are raped, too) fear ostracism, 
 punishment and loss of careers. The rate  of sexual assault and rape in
 the military is at least twice as high as it is  among civilians.
                    As Congresswoman Jane Harman (D-Calif.) put it in
  testimony last July, “Women serving in the U.S.  military are more 
likely to be raped by a fellow soldier than killed by enemy  fire in 
Iraq.”
                     In fact, the  atmosphere in the military makes 
it a fertile ground for sexual assault and  rape. Women are routinely 
degraded from boot camp on with obscene insults,  relentless staring, 
sexist rhymes, pornography and sexual harassment.  Servicewomen face the
 most retrograde attitudes imaginable, while at the same  time finding 
themselves trapped in a rigid hierarchy that paralyzes their  ability to
 seek justice and punishes them if they try. “Rape is the only crime  
where the victim must prove [her] innocence,” as Ingrid S. Torres, a Red
 Cross  nurse who was raped by an Air Force doctor while she was on duty
 in Korea,  testified at the July hearing.
                     This is not to say that no progress at all has 
been  made. Since Rep. Louise Slaughter (D-N.Y.) and others demanded 
reforms in the  military in 2005, rape evidence kits, anonymous 
reporting, victim advocates and  training aimed at preventing assault 
have been brought into the military. But these measures
 are so irregularly  implemented that they have failed to change the 
dismal picture for women in any  significant way. 
                     “I’m going to keep fighting,”  says John Johnson
 of his daughter LaVena’s case. “I figure the person who did  this to my
 daughter has rank and prestige and the Army wants to cover this up  to 
spare themselves the embarrassment. And now so many people have 
compromised  their careers by participating in this cover-up.”
                    
                      Rep. Harman and Rep. Michael  Turner (R-OH) have
 introduced  legislation urging the Secretary of Defense to encourage 
and increase  investigations and prosecutions of sex crimes in the 
military.  Rep. Slaughter also reintroduced her  
previously defeated bill, The Military Domestic and Sexual Violence 
Response  Act, which would create counseling and treatment programs 
throughout the  Veterans’ Administration, among other things.
                     But all the well-meaning reforms,  meetings and 
rules issued in Washington D.C will never have much effect as long  as 
military culture remains unchanged. So far, the behavior of the 
Department  of Defense and the Pentagon has only demonstrated, as many a
 soldier has said  to me, that the military is more concerned with 
protecting their men from  scandal than their women from rape.          
            
                    The full text  of this article appears in the Fall issue of 
Ms., available on  newsstands or by joining the Ms. community.
                                        HELEN  BENEDICT is a professor of  
journalism at ColumbiaUniversity who won the James Aronson Award for Social 
Justice  Journalism in 2008. She is the author of the  forthcoming book, The 
Lonely Soldier: The Private War Of Women Serving In  Iraq (Beacon Press, 2009).

http://www.msmagazine.com/fall2008/TheScandalOfMilitaryRape.asp





      

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