Published: Tuesday, April 12, 2011
Bylined to: Massimo Di Ricco

The Arab Revolution will not be televised in Latin America

*Massimo Di Ricco:* The position of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and the
Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas on the crisis in Libya has derailed the
continent's chance to support the revolutionary paradigm it should be
spreading worldwide.

On 1 March Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez stood firm in support of Libya
in order to fight what he considered the plans of military invasion
implemented by the 'Empire'. He made public a peace proposal he offered to
Gaddafi. A few hours later, a correspondent from the pro-Bolivarian
Venezuelan channel TeleSur dispatched to Benghazi, described on Venezuelan
private radio the situation he was witnessing in Libya. Describing the
bloody scene at Abdajia hospital and quoting some of those injured, he
offered a overview of what he considered the widespread human rights abuses
committed by forces loyal to Gaddafi. At the same time he reported Libyan
protesters had rejected USA military intervention, but wondered why Hugo
Chavez was aligning himself with Gaddafi and betraying their fight for
freedom.

It is significant that this was a Telesur man, a media outlet normally
offering unconditional support for the ideals of the Bolivarian revolution
embodied by the Venezuelan President. The split is symbolic of what is going
on not only in Venezuela, but in the whole of Latin America, between the
leaders of the last decade of revolutions and the grassroots leftist social
movements, which have passionately supported and endorsed the revolutionary
calls from their leaders.

This Latin American domino effect started with a few words of support for
Libya from Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega and a brief tweet from Hugo
Chavez: "Viva Libia y su independencia!". Fidel Castro soon joined the round
of accusations against western governments and accused the media of
manipulating the news of thousands of casualties and the bombing of
civilians by Gaddafi forces. Several leftist intellectuals in Latin America
supported the anti-imperialist stance of their leaders along with the main
representatives of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA), such as
Ecuador and Bolivia.

Chavez' peace proposal didn't manage to achieve its aims of stopping
international intervention in Libya, and it had no particular influence in
blocking the implementation of UN Resolution 1973. However, his support for
Gaddafi has had multiple consequences within the continent and among leftist
or resistance groups around the world, directly affecting his personal
reputation abroad.

The Arab revolutionary masses were shocked by his support for the Libyan
leader. Over recent years, Arab masses have fallen in love with South
American leaders as a consequence of their public support for the
Palestinian cause and the anti-imperialism they have in common. Lately,
Chavez and Morales denounced the military campaign perpetrated by Israel
during Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, both expelling their Israeli ambassador
from their countries.

The Bolivarian Government's support for Gaddafi also provoked strong
indignation among conservative and liberal groups worldwide. Among others,
half-Peruan and self-declared liberal, Nobel Prize-winner Mario Vargas
Llosa, a common target of leftist intellectuals within the continent,
launched an indirect message to Chavez and his allies by affirming that the
spirit of the Arab revolutions will soon reach South America too and it will
topple the few dictatorships still present in the region.

The other South American left, the one aligned around the new Brazil
leadership of President Dilma Rousseff, inexplicably did not intervene in
the debate and did not side with the strong position of their continental
comrades. Since the beginning of the crisis, Brazil and its allies advocated
a solution within the framework of the Security Council of the United
Nations, with Brazil finally abstaining from supporting UN Resolution 1973.
Brazil, through the recognition of an independent Palestinian state last
December, a step which was followed by almost all the other Latin American
countries, has started approaching Middle East issues in a way designed to
procure a more substantial place among world powers. The Arab uprisings
indeed stopped the planned diplomatic counter-offensive of the South
American bloc led by Brazil in its tracks, and provoked too the postponement
of the summit of South American-Arab Countries (ASPA) that was to be held in
Peru in February.

The stance of the Bolivarian states on the Libyan crisis provoked a further
serious debate around the role of these same South American leftist leaders,
the exchange spreading especially among those social movements which have
been the real grassroots powers behind the historical turn to the left of
the continent initiated by the election of Chavez as President in 1998.
These movements soon rejected the position of Chavez and Castro as a
mistake, criticizing the realpolitik implemented by their governors.
Instead, they gave their unconditional support to the Libyan population
against the brutal repression enacted by Gaddafi. The discussion spread
worldwide from within leftist groups, affording a rare opportunity to
question the usefulness of the old anti-imperialist position of leftist
governments in Latin America. Marxists, members of the Fourth International,
Bolivarian youth, young Cubans, they all acknowledged the powerful momentum
and the revolutionary struggle of the Arab masses. A fuller debate was only
cut short by the implementation of UN Resolution 1973, which helped to
realign leaders and movements under the umbrella of a common
anti-imperialism and the repudiation of any military intervention.

Chavez launched the Bolivarian revolutionary dream in the late nineties by
giving hopes of dignity and a better future to the people, especially the
poor, who were cut off from divvying up of the rich natural resources of
their countries controlled by conservative oligarchies and foreign powers.
The South American masses were moved above all by the moral claim to
dignity: the same invisible force that in 2002 drove the Venezuelan
population against the coup d'etat permitting Chavez to return legitimately
to the Palacio de Miraflores, the President's house. The dignity and ethical
moral claims of South American people after decades of foreign intervention
hand in hand with oligarchic power or military dictatorships was the same
dignity pursued today by Tunisians, Egyptians, Libyans, Algerians and those
in the region asking now for a better future.

Unlike in Latin America, the several Arab uprisings have had no leaders to
follow and anti-imperialism was not on the demonstrators' agenda. The
absence of the myth of the external manipulation was indeed one of the main
peculiarities of these uprisings. Foreign interference is not new in Latin
America and that partly explains the widespread anti-imperialist stance on
that continent. In the past Castro, Ortega and Chavez have had to face up to
the active boycott of various US administrations. Not surprisingly, after
the orchestrated coup d'etat that pushed him out of power for a few days in
2002, Chavez in particular has started seeing imperialist fingerprints
everywhere he looks.

European and US administrations have their own agenda concerning the new
Arab geopolitical landscape. In recent years, all the European leaders made
a visit to Gaddafi's tent, in immoral pursuit of signatures on rich
contracts for their national companies. Chavez is not commercially unknown
to Gaddafi as well. Reciprocal visits in recent years produced the
ratification of important bilateral agreements and a step forward for the
new multi-polar world Chavez advocates. And Gaddafi too is not anymore the
socialist he claimed to be in the seventies, but a modern capitalist
investor, with shares in some of the companies which are now pillars of the
world capitalist system.

The anti-imperialist Bolivarian stance on the Libyan crisis has served to
highlight what already was palpable: the increasingly noticeable split
between leftist social movements and those Latin American leaders who in the
last decade gave people hope for more equal societies. As Chavez said in
1998 to a cheerful crowd when he was elected, "The power you have given to
me does not belong to me. This is your power. You will rule the country".

Now, as in 1998, the power is in the hands of the Arab people. This is what
we should concentrate on, not on those leaders, whoever they may be, who one
after another are losing popular support. Things are at last turned upside
down and these masses, not their leaders, now embody the new challenge for a
different world and a more equal future.

   -

   *Dr Massimo Di Ricco is visiting professor at the Universidad Nacional de
   Colombia, Bogotà. He is also researcher for the UNESCO Chair in
   Intercultural Dialogue in the Mediterranean at the University of Tarragona.
   *

http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Current-Affairs/ISN-Insights/Detail?lng=en
&id=128361&contextid734=128361&contextid735=128359&tabid=128359


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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